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REPORT 

ON 

THE  DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  THE  DEPARTMENT 


OF  STATE,  1789-1840 


REVISED  EDITION 


PAPERS  OF  BUREAU  OF  HISTORICAL  RESEARCH,  CARNEGIE 
INSTITUTION  OF  WASHINGTON 


ANDREW   C.  MCLAUGHLIN,  DIRECTOR 


WASHINGTON,  D.  C. 

Published  by  the  Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington 
1906 


CARNEGIE  INSTITUTION  OF  WASHINGTON 
Publication  No.  22.    Revised  Edition 


PRESS  OP 

THE  NEW  ERA  PRINTING  COMPANY 
LANCASTER,  PA. 


THE  DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  THE  DEPARTMENT 
OF  STATE,  1789-1840. 


BY  ANDREW  C.  MCLAUGHLIN. 


In  1831  Congress  authorized  the  publication  of  "  Congressional 
Documents  "  for  the  first  thirteen  Congresses,  a  work  proposed  by  the 
printers  Gales  and  Seaton.  The  materials  were  to  be  selected  under 
the  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Senate  and  the  Clerk  of  the  House 
of  Representatives.  At  a  later  session,  March  2,  1833,  Congress  author- 
ized the  publication  of  documents  down  to  the  end  of  the  Twenty- 
second  Congress.  The  result  of  these  resolutions  was  the  printing  of 
the  series  of  folio  volumes  commonly  called  American  State  Papers, 
and  more  fully  entitled  Documents,  Legislative  and  Executive,  of  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States,  from  the  First  Session  of  the  First  Con- 
gress to  the  Second  Session  of  the  Twenty-second  Congress,  a  series  of 
great  value,  which  has  been  of  incalculable  service  to  all  American  his- 
torians and  to  all  persons  interested  in  the  history  of  the  United  States. 
Only  a  limited  edition  was  printed,  and  the  set  is  now  not  easily  obtained. 
The  full  set  consists  of  thirty-eight  volumes,  covering  ten  different 
classes  of  subjects,  but  we  are  interested  here  chiefly  in  the  series  of 
six  volumes  on  Foreign  Relations.  These  contain  the  important  mes- 
sages of  the  Presidents  from  1789  to  1828,  some  reports  of  committees, 
and  like  material,  but  chiefly  diplomatic  correspondence;  they  were 
made  up  largely  from  the  documents  sent  to  the  Senate,  from  which 
the  Senate  had  removed  the  injunction  of  secrecy,  amplified  somewhat, 
though  apparently  very  little,  by  documents  in  the  files  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  State  which  had  not  been  before  the  Senate.  One  of  the  pur- 
poses of  the  study  on  which  I  have  based  this  paper  was  to  discover  to 
what  extent  the  diplomatic  correspondence  was  printed  in  this  series  of 
Foreign  Relations,  and  the  extent,  character,  and  value  of  the  un- 
printed  material.  It  will  be  remembered  that  from  1828  to  1860  such 
diplomatic  correspondence  as  is  printed  is  to  be  found  in  the  ordinary 
series  of  Congressional  documents,  generally  in  the  Executive  docu- 

(3) 


4         DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

ments  of  the  respective  Congresses,  but  not  infrequently  in  other  places. 
Any  one  who  has  sought  information  of  this  character  in  the  Con- 
gressional series  from  1828  to  1860  knows  how  puzzling  the  task  is, 
and  especially  that,  except  in  a  few  favored  localities,  the  sets  of  volumes 
are  not  sufficiently  complete  for  a  thorough  and  satisfactory  examina- 
tion. Most  of  us  have  probably  had  the  pleasure  of  rinding  that  the 
particular  volume  we  desired  to  use  was,  by  the  irony  of  fate,  missing 
from  the  set  to  which  we  had  access. 

An  examination  of  the  archives  of  the  State  Department  seems  to 
show  conclusively  (i)  the  need  of  printing  in  extenso  the  diplomatic 
correspondence  for  the  period  covered  by  the  State  Papers,  Foreign 
Relations  (1789-1828),  because  of  the  incompleteness  of  these  volumes, 
as  will  be  particularly  illustrated  in  the  following  pages  of  this  report ; 
(2)  the  need  of  printing  the  materials  from  1828  to  1860  as  fully  as 
the  policy  and  desire  of  the  State  Department  permit,  because  of  the 
abundance  of  interesting  material  hitherto  entirely  unprinted  and  be- 
cause the  documents  at  one  time  printed  in  the  Congressional  series  are 
now  largely  inaccessible  for  the  average  reader,  student,  or  scholar, 
and  of  course  altogether  out  of  print. 

An  examination  of  the  extent  of  the  material  in  the  Bureau  of 
Indexes  and  Archives  has  been  made,  and  this  not  by  looking  at  the 
outside  of  the  bound  volumes,  but  by  turning  over  the  letters  page  by 
page.  Any  one  who  has  tried  the  task  of  estimating  the  length  of  a 
manuscript  knows  how  difficult  it  is  to  be  exact,  but  in  this  case  it  is 
fair  to  say,  as  a  result  of  the  examination  and  of  checking  over  the 
materials  in  certain  periods,  that  not  more  than  one-fourth  of  the 
material  has  been  printed  in  the  State  Papers.  The  despatches  and 
instructions  omitted  are  often  of  extreme  interest.  In  preparing  the 
following  pages,  I  have  not,  as  a  rule,  tried  to  determine  whether  cer- 
tain manuscript  papers  are  printed  in  the  writings  of  distinguished 
statesmen.  Some  of  these  papers  are  found  in  such  volumes  as  the 
Writings  of  Jefferson,  and  those  of  Jay,  Madison,  and  Monroe ;  but  the 
number  printed  is,  comparatively,  very  small,  and  they  appear  generally 
in  limited  and  expensive  editions,  which  find  no  place  on  the  shelves  of 
the  great  mass  of  students  and  readers  of  American  history. 

The  materials  printed  in  the  State  Papers  very  often  appear  only 
in  extract.  It  is  unnecessary  to  say  that,  so  far  as  their  importance  for 
diplomatic  history  is  concerned,  the  omitted  portions  are  often  not  the 
least  interesting.  Take,  for  example,  a  list  of  papers  communicated  to 
the  House  of  Representatives  Februarys,  1824  (American  State  Papers, 
Vol.  V,  282).  I  take  this  example  quite  at  random  and  have  not 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.          5 

searched  for  the  most  striking.  Fifty  papers  in  all  were  thus  com- 
municated. Of  these,  twenty-two  are  but  extracts  of  the  full  des- 
patches or  instructions. 

The  diplomatic  archives  of  the  State  Department  are  now  con- 
tained in  two  bureaus,  the  Bureau  of  Rolls  and  Library  and  the  Bureau 
of  Indexes  and  Archives.  In  the  former  were  contained  until  recently 
the  papers  of  the  Continental  Congress ;  these  papers  were,  by  a  recent 
executive  order,  transferred  to  the  Library  of  Congress,  but  the  order 
expressly  authorized  the  bureau  to  retain  such  papers  "  as  in  the 
discretion  of  the  Secretary  of  State  may  be  required  for  the  continuity 
and  completeness  of  the  records  and  archives  of  the  Department  of 
State."  There  are  still,  therefore,  in  the  Bureau  of  Rolls  and  Library 
the  despatches,  instructions,  and  other  diplomatic  papers  that  were 
originally  part  of  the  so-called  papers  of  the  Continental  Congress,  and 
they  cover  the  years  from  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution  to  the  organ- 
ization of  the  government. 

It  is  not  my  intention  in  this  paper  to  consider  the  correspondence 
before  1789.  It  is  well  known  that  Wharton,  in  the  Diplomatic  Cor- 
respondence of  the  American  Revolution,  printed  a  very  satisfactory 
edition  of  the  papers  as  far  down  as  November,  1784.  The  set  of  Diplo- 
matic Correspondence,  1783-1789,  in  seven  volumes,  covers  the  period 
indicated  by  the  title,  and,  though  one  may  hazard  the  guess  that  the 
correspondence  of  that  time  is  not  fully  printed,  it  is  not  necessary  to 
consider  that  material  here.  Nothing  of  importance  need  be  said  about 
the  archives  in  the  Bureau  of  Rolls  and  Library  that  belong  to  the 
period  after  the  establishment  of  the  government  under  the  Constitu- 
tion. It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  there  is  in  that  bureau  one  volume  of 
fair  copies  of  notes  from  the  Department  and  instructions  from  Octo- 
ber, 1788,  to  December,  1792.  This  includes  the  later  correspondence 
of  Jay,  who  did  not  immediately  drop  the  duties  of  the  office  of  foreign 
affairs  on  the  establishment  of  the  new  government,  and  also  some  of 
Jefferson's  correspondence.  Attention  might  also  be  called  to  material 
that  is  not  strictly  classed  as  diplomatic;  for  example,  the  correspond- 
ence of  Governor  Claiborne,  who  was  sent  in  1803  to  take  possession 
of  New  Orleans  after  the  cession  of  Louisiana.  This  material  is  full 
of  interesting  information  concerning  the  southern  frontier  and  the 
relations  with  the  Spaniards.  But  this  Claiborne  material  is  not  strictly 
within  the  purview  of  this  report. 

Our  concern  in  this  paper  is  chiefly  with  the  strictly  diplomatic 
correspondence  to  be  found  on  file  in  the  Bureau  of  Indexes  and  Ar- 
chives, lately  under  the  charge  of  Mr.  Pendleton  King,  as  chief  of  the 


6         DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

bureau,  to  whose  kindness  and  courtesy  and  permission  to  examine 
the  manuscripts  in  his  charge  the  thanks  of  the  compiler  of  this 
pamphlet  are  due.  The  diplomatic  correspondence  of  the  State  Depart- 
ment naturally  falls  into  four  divisions :  ( I )  Despatches,  which  include 
all  letters  to  the  Department  from  our  representatives  to  foreign  coun- 
tries, with  which  may  be  classed  all  inclosures,  such  as  notes  sent  by 
ministers  of  foreign  states  to  our  representatives  in  those  states,  and 
other  material  bearing  on  foreign  conditions ;  (2)  Notes  to  the  Depart- 
ment from  foreign  legations  in  this  country;  (3)  Instructions,  which 
include  all  letters  from  the  Department  to  our  representatives  abroad ; 
and  (4)  Notes  from  the  Department  to  foreign  legations  in  this  coun- 
try, the  word  "  notes  "  being  used  to  include  all  communications.  For 
the  purposes  of  a  complete  analysis  one  might  naturally  include  the 
Consular  Despatches  and  Consular  Instructions,  and  the  "  Domestic 
Letters,"  but  none  of  these  sets  contains  much  diplomatic  material. 
Some  of  the  Domestic  Letters,  which  are  the  correspondence  on  all 
sorts  of  subjects  with  individuals  holding  no  diplomatic  position,  are 
doubtless  of  diplomatic  concern,  and  moreover  it  should  be  especially 
noted  that  some  of  the  earlier  correspondence  of  the  government  which 
would  now  be  classified  otherwise  is  filed  and  labeled  as  "  Domestic 
Letters  " ;  all  the  notes  from  the  Department,  down  to  1804,  appear  in 
fair  copies  in  the  series  of  volumes  entitled  "  Domestic  Letters."  With 
the  exception  of  these  notes,  the  papers  discussed  in  the  following  pages 
are  included  in  the  four  subdivisions  given  above. 

The  volumes  of  diplomatic  papers  in  the  Bureau  of  Indexes  and 
Archives  are  listed  in  an  inventory-book,  in  which  new  volumes  are 
entered  when  bound.  This  inventory  gives  the  numbers  on  the  manu- 
script volumes,  showing  which  volumes  are  duplicates  of  others ;  it 
also  gives  the  dates  of  beginning  and  ending  of  the  volumes,  but  in 
many  cases,  especially  in  despatches,  these  dates  are  not  early  enough 
or  late  enough,  as  the  case  may  be.  The  reason  for  this  discrepancy  in 
dates  is  usually  the  fact  that  the  letters  written  before  the  minister  or 
agent  reached  his  post,  and  those  written  after  leaving  it,  are  not  in- 
cluded in  the  dates  given.  In  some  cases  at  the  end  of  a  volume  are 
found  letters  written  by  a  former  diplomatic  officer  many  years  after 
the  termination  of  his  mission.  Besides  the  list  of  volumes  of  Des- 
patches, Notes  to  the  Department,  Instructions,  and  Notes  from  the 
Department,  this  inventory  contains  lists  of  volumes  of  Circulars,  of 
Consular  Instructions  and  Consular  Despatches,  and  of  volumes  per- 
taining to  Consular  Clerks,  Foreign  Consuls  in  the  United  States,  and 
Special  Agents. 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.          7 

By  the  help  of  this  inventory,  volumes  can  usually  be  located 
readily.  The  system  of  arrangement  of  books  is  comparatively  simple, 
and  in  almost  all  the  books  the  manuscripts  are  bound  in  chronological 
order,  the  most  noteworthy  exception  being  that  inclosures  are  bound 
after  the  letter  in  which  they  were  inclosed,  though  naturally  preceding 
it  in  date.  The  records  are,  on  the  whole,  in  excellent  condition,  though 
some  of  the  older  papers  are  considerably  discolored,  or  are  brittle  and 
breaking  at  the  edges,  thus  making  the  reading  of  them  difficult  for 
the  investigator.  The  handwriting  of  many  of  the  earlier  papers  is 
hard  to  decipher,  even  when  the  ink  has  not  faded.  Some  of  the  press 
copies  are  at  present  almost  illegible. 

The  arrangement  in  earlier  years  is  in  some  ways  perplexing,  and 
sometimes  important  documents  are  not  to  be  found.  It  is  no  unusual 
thing  to  find  that  despatches  of  certain  numbers  are  not  in  the  archives, 
and  this  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  sometimes  as  many  as  five  copies  of  one 
paper  were  sent  by  as  many  different  ships.  It  is  interesting  to  note 
how  many  copies  of  the  original  number  were  received  and  to  compare 
the  dates  of  sending  and  of  receipt.  About  1831  a  definite  system  was 
adopted.  The  records  since  that  time  are  well  arranged,  and  the  sys- 
tem is  easily  understood;  the  records  since  1831  are  also  more  nearly 
complete,  due  to  a  great  extent  to  improvements  in  navigation,  but  due 
also  to  careful  supervision.  Duplicates  no  longer  appear,  and  on  the 
other  hand  there  are  no  despatches  missing,  as  is  the  case  in  the  earlier 
volumes.  Evidently  about  that  time  our  ministers  ceased  to  send 
duplicate  and  triplicate  despatches,  while  the  Department  made  arrange- 
ments to  get  copies  of  documents  that  for  any  reason  went  astray. 

The  earlier  documents  are  at  times  somewhat  hard  to  use,  the 
requirement  of  uniform  size  in  paper  being  a  later  development.  Be- 
sides the  manuscripts,  one  occasionally  finds  in  these  volumes  printed 
material,  such  as  pamphlets,  invitations,  instructions  for  court  dress  at 
times  of  mourning,  and  copies  of  papers  or  broadsides  of  the  time. 
Practically  all  of  these  are  without  mention  in  the  State  Papers,  but  are 
interesting  to  the  historian  and  often  almost  impossible  to  obtain  else- 
where in  this  country. 

The  following  description  and  analysis  of  the  various  series  may 
be  of  service : 

(i)  From  the  beginning  of  the  government  (1789),  despatches 
from  United  States  ministers  abroad  have  been  classified  in  separate 
series  for  the  different  countries,  but  occasionally  the  despatches  of  a 
minister  who  went  to  two  countries  are  found  in  one  volume,  which 
thus  really  belongs  in  two  series.  This  fact  is  often  a  source  of  per- 


8         DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

plexity  to  the  investigator.     An  understanding  of  this  method  of  bind- 
ing will  often  explain  the  apparent  absence  of  material  in  some  series. 

(2)  Notes  to  the  Department   from   foreign  legations   in  the 
United  States  have  from  the  first  been  bound  in  separate  volumes  for 
different  countries.     There  is  one  volume  of  Notes  to  the  Department 
which  contains  miscellaneous  letters,  such  as  those  from  special  mis- 
sions to  the  United  States. 

(3)  The  first  thirteen  volumes  of  Instructions,  covering  from 
January  23,  1791,  to  March  8,  1833,  contain  instructions  to  ministers 
everywhere.     Volumes  14,  15,  and  16  (April  2,  1829,  to  January  14, 
1865),  are  classed  as  American  States.     Since  January  14,  1865,  all 
instructions  have  been  copied  in  separate  series  for  each  country.     The 
list  of  dates  for  the  beginning  of  separate  series  for  each  country  shows, 
as  I  have  already  said,  that  each  was  given  a  separate  series  of  instruc- 
tions according  to  the  importance  of  its  diplomatic  relations  with  us. 

(4)  Notes  from  the  Department  to  foreign  legations  in  theUnited 
States,  as  I  have  already  said,  were  at  first  bound  with  Domestic  Let- 
ters, which  at  that  time  included  all  letters  to  persons  not  in  govern- 
ment employ.     Beginning  January  19,  1804,  a  separate  series  of  Notes 
from  the  Department  was  begun.    Of  this  series  the  first  volume,  dating 
from  January  19,  1804,  to  January  25,  1810,  and  containing  301  sepa- 
rate letters,  has  long  been  missing,  and  only  an  index  to  it  remains  to 
show  its  contents.     It  may  not  be  impossible  by  one  method  or  another 
to  restore  large  portions  of  this  lost  volume. 

Up  to  1840  the  papers  are  contained  in  366  volumes,  not  including 
duplicate  volumes.  Until  that  time  only  25  countries  have  separate 
series.  Many  of  the  duplicate  papers  are  bound  in  separate  volumes ; 
in  other  cases  duplicates  are  bound  in  the  same  book  with  the  originals. 
A  number  of  the  duplicate  volumes  have  been  checked  with  their  orig- 
inals, and  in  every  case  materials  have  been  found  in  the  duplicate 
books  that  did  not  appear  in  the  books  of  originals.  In  some  cases 
these  materials  are  comments  by  the  secretary  on  despatches  received ; 
in  other  cases  they  are  inclosures  that  did  not  seem  suitable  for  binding 
with  the  special  papers  on  the  subject ;  in  a  few  cases  at  the  end  of  a 
duplicate  despatch  appears  a  postscript  not  added  to  the  original,  evi- 
dently appended  because  the  duplicate  despatch  was  copied  and  sent 
by  a  later  ship  than  the  original.  These  differences  have  indicated  the 
necessity  for  examination  of  all  duplicate  books,  in  order  that  no 
material  may  be  missed. 

The  following  table  may  be  of  service  in  indicating  the  amount 
of  material,  before  1840,  under  each  country. 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 


Volumes  of  Diplomatic  Papers  before  1840,  Bureau  of  Indexes  and  Archives, 
Department  of  State. 


Names  of  Series  and  Num- 
ber of  Volumes  in  Each 
to  1840. 

Despatches. 

Notes  to 
Department. 

Instructions. 

Notes  from 
Department. 

Begin. 

Vols. 

Begin. 

Vols. 

Begin. 

Vols. 

Begin. 

Vols. 

Unclassified  21 

Oct.  15, 

1794 
Dec.  9, 
1818 
Nov.  8, 
1820 

I 

I 
I 

Jan.  23, 
1791 

IS 

Mays, 
1810 
Sept.  28, 
1838 

5 
i 

Argentine  Republic...  7 
Austria     •  •  3 

Apr.  26, 
1817 
June  6, 
1837 

5 
i 

June  7, 

1837 
July  I, 

1834 
Apr.  14, 
1832 
May  29, 
1833 
May  15, 
1824 
May  29, 

1833 
May  29, 

1833 
Mar.  28, 

1833 

I 
I 
I 
I 

2 
I 
I 
I 

Barbary  Powers  I 

Belgium  ..                 ..4 

Aug.  20, 

1819 

Apr.  3, 
1809 

i 

13 

Jan.  3, 
1832 
Apr.  5, 
1824 

I 
2 

July  i> 
1834 

Oct.   22, 
1834 

i 

i 

Brazil  17 

Central  America  2 

Chile  8 

Oct.  15, 
1818 
Mar.  14, 
1820 
Feb.  22, 
1811 

5 
9 
3 

Feb.  19, 
1828 
Apr.  8, 
1820 
Dec.  10, 
1802 
Oct.  21, 

I 
2 
2 
I 

Nov.  6, 
1834 
May  1  8, 

1835 

J«iy  i, 
1834 

i 
i 
i 

Colombia  13 

Ecuador  I 

France  46 

Sept.  30, 
1789 

Oct.  22, 
1800 

Nov.  20, 

34 
3 
46 
i 
9 
17 

1839 
Mar.  1  8, 
1801 
Apr.  3, 
1816 
Sept.  2, 
1791 

Jl&69' 
Mar.  I, 
1816 
Auer  17 

10 

2 

19 
2 

4 

2 

July  20, 
1829 
Apr.  20, 

1835 
July  20, 
1829 
May  2, 
1838 
May  29, 
I833 
Jan.  29, 

1833 

I 
I 
I 

2 
I 

I 

J^y  i, 

1834 
July  i, 
1834 

July  I, 

1834 

Aug.  2, 

1834 

July  i, 
1834 
July  i, 
1834 
July  7» 
1834 

i 
i 
i 
i 
i 
i 
i 

Germany  7 

Great  Britain  67 

Italy  6 

1791 

Nov.  7, 
1831 
Apr.  29, 
1809 
Aug.  15, 
1792 

Mexico...,                ...IS 

Netherlands  21 

Paraguay  and  Uruguay  I 
Peru  6 

1799 

Mar.  20, 
1826 

Julys*. 

1790 
Sept.  20, 
1808 
Oct.  14, 
1790 
Aug.  2  1, 
1812 
July  18, 
1836 
June  i, 
1817 
Mar.  24, 
1835 

5 
H 
13 

34 
6 
i 

9 

i 

May  29, 

1833 
Apr.  1  8, 

1833 
Jan.  2, 

1833 
Mar.  12, 

,,1833 
May  31, 

1834 
May  21, 

1837 
Dec.  20, 
1820 
Mar.  18, 
1835 

I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 
I 

Portugal...               ...IQ 

May8, 
1816 
Aug.  31, 
1808 
Aug.  22, 

1794 
Mar.  25, 

1793 

Mar.  2, 
1836 

3 

4 

10 

3 
i 

July  I, 
1834 

July  i, 
1834 
July  i, 
1834 

July  I, 
1834 

July  1  1, 

1836 

i 
i 
i 
i 
i 

Russia  19 

Spain  46 

Sweden  and  Norway..  1  1 
Texas....                    ..  4. 

Turkey  10 

Venezuela  4 

Feb.  24, 
1835 

i 

July  7, 
1834 

i 

Total  366 

10      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

The  most  puzzling  difficulty  in  the  use  of  the  material  is  in  locating 
the  earliest  material  under  each  country.  If  one  goes  to  volume  I  of 
any  series  he  can  not  be  sure  that  he  has  found  the  earliest  papers  from 
that  country.  In  the  case  of  Instructions  and  Notes  from  the  Depart- 
ment, the  first  volume  will  be  found  numbered  one  only  under  countries 
with  which  diplomatic  relations  were  entered  upon  comparatively  late ; 
for  example,  Austria  Instructions  begin  with  volume  I,  June  7,  1837, 
while  Barbary  Powers  Instructions  begin  with  volume  14,  July  i,  1834. 
The  reason  for  this  is  that  the  first  instructions  to  Barbary  Powers  are 
found  in  the  first  thirteen  volumes  of  unclassified  instructions.  The 
correspondence  for  any  one  country  began  to  be  segregated  and  bound 
in  a  separate  series  as  the  relations  with  the  country  developed  and  its 
importance  increased.  This  fact  is  indicated  by  the  dates  at  which  the 
separate  series  begin,  as  shown  in  the  table  on  p.  9.  The  number  of 
the  first  volume  of  Instructions  or  Notes  from  the  Department  in  the 
separate  series  for  any  country  follows  the  number  of  the  last  volume 
of  unclassified  Instructions  or  Notes  from  the  Department  in  which 
similar  papers  for  the  same  country  appear. 

For  the  purpose  of  discovering  the  character  and  value  of  the 
archives,  I  have  made  a  special  examination  of  certain  periods  and  of 
the  despatches  of  certain  persons,  and  have  made  a  careful  comparison 
between  the  amount  of  the  unpublished  matter  and  the  amount  of 
printed  matter.  The  result  of  this  examination  can  not  be  put  accu- 
rately in  a  few  words,  nor  can  reference  be  made  to  all  the  important 
fields  where  significant  correspondence  is  unprinted,  but  the  general 
statements  that  follow  will  serve  as  illustrations  and  as  an  indication  of 
the  value  of  the  unprinted  materials. 

The  State  Papers  contain  very  full  correspondence  in  the  early 
years  of  the  government  from  Gouverneur  Morris,  who  was  appointed 
in  1789  as  agent  of  the  government  to  ascertain  the  "  sentiments  and 
intentions  of  the  court  at  London  "  concerning  the  fulfilment  of  the 
treaty  of  peace  and  the  formation  of  a  treaty  of  commerce.  Morris 
afterward  went  to  France,  and,  as  is  well  known,  his  letters  from  the 
continent  are  full  of  valuable  information.  Monroe's  despatches  dur- 
ing his  stay  as  minister  in  France  are  also  given  at  considerable  length. 
The  same  is  true  of  the  correspondence  concerning  the  formation  of 
Jay's  treaty.*  But  during  these  important  years  we  have  other  sources 


*  Among  the  unprinted  papers  on  this  subject  is  a  significant  letter  from  Jay, 
September  13,  1794,  speaking  of  the  work  of  Monroe  in  Paris,  and  intimating 
that  the  activity  of  that  unseasoned  diplomat  was  increasing  the  difficulties  of 
the  English  mission.  (See  No.  V,  p.  37.) 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       II 

of  information  concerning  European  and  American  conditions  which 
have  not  seen  the  light.  This  is  true  of  the  despatches  of  Thomas 
Pinckney,  who  was  sent  to  Great  Britain  as  the  first  minister  after  the 
establishment  of  the  new  government.  His  experiences  were  far  from 
being  unimportant  or  lacking  in  interest.  They  were  scarcely  less  try- 
ing, though  not  quite  so  dramatic  as  the  experiences  of  John  Adams, 
who,  soon  after  the  war,  went  to  London,  with  the  hope  of  making  a 
treaty  of  commerce  and  settling  the  difficulties  that  had  already  arisen 
in  connection  with  the  treaty  of  1783.  Pinckney  was  not  so  good  or 
so  profuse  a  letter-writer  as  Adams,  but  his  despatches  well  repay  read- 
ing. In  the  State  Papers  there  are  some  fifteen  letters  from  Pinckney, 
written  during  his  residence  in  London  and  before  the  beginning  of  his 
Spanish  mission;  in  the  archives  of  the  Department  are  found  two 
hundred  and  seventy  letters,  including  letters  from  his  secretary  and 
inclosures  in  the  way  of  notes  and  other  papers.  Some  of  these  are 
not  important,  but  others  are  of  conspicuous  interest. 

Again,  the  despatches  covering  the  X.  Y.  Z.  correspondence  are 
pretty  fully  printed,  as  are  the  despatches  of  William  Vans  Murray 
from  The  Hague,  and  the  negotiations  preceding  the  close  of  the  diffi- 
culty with  France  by  the  treaty  of  1800.  There  are  some  subjects  of 
this  kind  concerning  which  we  have  practically  full  information,  but 
it  must  be  said  that  as  a  rule  in  almost  every  period  of  particular  in- 
terest new  materials  can  be  found  in  the  archives,  and  some  of  this 
material  is  of  the  greatest  value.  Even  on  the  most  salient  episodes  in 
our  history,  the  diplomatic  records  are  not  printed  in  full,  and  some- 
times there  are  considerable  bodies  of  valuable  material  as  yet  un- 
published. When  we  remember  how  much  of  our  national  history 
turned  upon  foreign  relations  from  the  establishment  of  the  govern- 
ment to  the  end  of  the  War  of  1812,  we  see  at  once  the  desirability 
of  having  at  hand  every  scrap  of  evidence  for  understanding  those 
critical  twenty-five  years  during  which  America  was  harassed  on  every 
side — by  France  and  England  on  the  ocean,  by  the  combatants  on  the 
European  continent,  by  the  Spanish  on  the  frontier,  and  by  the  In- 
dians, whom,  rightly  or  wrongly,  we  believed  to  be  influenced  much  of 
the  time  by  the  emissaries  of  Europe.  And  yet  even  during  that  period 
much  of  the  most  important  material  remains  unprinted  in  the  archives 
of  the  Department  of  State. 

No  episode  in  our  history  is  of  greater  significance  than  the  Louis- 
iana purchase,  but  this,  of  course,  was  only  the  outcome  of  years  of 
important  events — indeed,  one  might  more  properly  call  the  purchase 
an  incident,  though  an  important  one,  in  the  southwestern  question, 


12       DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

which,  of  course,  did  not  end  with  1803,  but  continued  in  one  form  or 
another  till  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe-Hidalgo  (1848).  For  the  study 
of  this  question  we  have  insufficient  material  in  the  published  papers. 
The  history  of  the  question  from  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution  to  the 
beginning  of  1787  is  fairly  well  understood.  It  is  ably  and  properly 
discussed  in  various  places,  and  forms  a  portion  of  almost  every  book 
covering  the  period.  It  is  not  unlikely  that  a  study  of  the  Spanish 
archives,  and  a  publication  of  the  Gardoqui  correspondence,  copies  of 
which  are,  I  believe,  in  this  country,  would  give  us  new  information  on 
this  whole  field.  But  at  any  rate  the  treatment  of  the  Mississippi  ques- 
tion, down  to  the  time  when  the  attempt  at  forming  a  treaty  was  aban- 
doned by  Jay  in  1787,  is  'understood  and  receives  intelligent  and  ade- 
quate treatment  in  our  general  histories.  Part  of  the  reason  for  this 
is  that  the  diplomatic  correspondence  for  that  time  is  in  print  in  the 
seven  volumes  entitled  The  Diplomatic  Correspondence,  1783-1789  (re- 
printed in  three  volumes  in  1837). 

But  for  the  period  from  1789  to  1803  by  no  means  all  the  material 
in  the  State  Department  archives  illustrating  our  relations  with  France 
and  Spain  is  in  print.  Unfortunately  for  our  knowledge  of  conditions 
in  Spain,  until  William  Short  went  there  in  December,  1792,*  we  are 
dependent  for  some  years  on  the  information  supplied  by  William 
Carmichael,  who  was  strangely  uncommunicative.  His  despatches  to 
the  government  were  so  infrequent  that  one  is  at  a  loss  to  understand 
why  he  was  retained  so  long  in  the  public  service.  On  such  a  question 
we  can  get  no  light  from  any  private  or  semi-public  correspondence 
which  we  might  hope  to  find  outside  of  the  Department,  for  all  of 
Carmichael's  papers  seem  to  have  disappeared.  Though  he  long  held 
important  diplomatic  positions,  the  despatches  from  him  in  the  archives 
are  very  few  in  number.  Jefferson  seemed  to  believe  that  Carmichael's, 
letters  were  surreptitiously  disposed  of  in  transit,  but  it  is  doubtful 
whether  Carmichael  wrote  except  with  amazing  infrequency.  On  April 
n,  1791,  Jefferson,  writing  from  Philadelphia,  acknowledged  a  letter 
of  January  24,  1791,  which,  he  said,  was  the  first  received  from  Car- 
michael since  the  receipt  of  one  dated  May  6,  1789.  Between  March, 
1785,  and  April,  1791,  Carmichael  was  sent  eighteen  instructions,  and 
in  answer  to  these  Carmichael  sent  two  despatches,  one  March  14,  1786, 
and  one  December  6, 1786.  Carmichael  died  in  Spain  February  9, 1795. 

Fortunately  Short  was  a  good  letter-writer,  and  from  the  time  he 
went  to  Madrid  until  Pinckney  appeared  on  the  scene,  with  the  purpose 

*  These  despatches  are  found  in  a  volume  entitled  "W.  Short,  The  Hague 
and  Spain,  1792-1795." 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       13 

of  bringing  the  elusive  court  of  Spain  to  the  formal  acknowledgment 
of  our  southern  boundary,  we  get  very  full  and  apparently  accurate 
information  as  to  the  conditions  in  that  country  and  its  attitude  toward 
the  problem  of  making  a  treaty.  His  correspondence  is  full  of  interest, 
for  it  contains  information  concerning  not  only  the  main  issue  between 
Spain  and  America,  but  concerning  the  course  of  hostilities  in  Europe 
and  the  movements  in  European  politics  and  diplomacy.  Practically 
nothing  of  Short's  correspondence  is  printed ;  it  forms,  at  least,  a  neces- 
sary preface  to  Pinckney's  despatches,  and  shows  how  hard  it  was  to 
get  Spain  to  come  to  the  point  of  discussing  the  situation  seriously  so 
long  as  procrastination  seemed  to  aid  rather  than  to  imperil  her  cause. 
It  will  be  remembered  that  Pinckney  finally  brought  the  Prince  of 
Peace  to  terms  by  demanding  his  passports  and  making  ostensible,  if 
not  real,  preparations  for  leaving  the  country.  In  Short's  despatches 
from  Spain  during  those  critical  years  there  are  140,000  words;  that 
is  to  say,  a  whole  printed  book,  almost  as  large  as  one  of  the  volumes 
of  McMaster's  History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States,  and  I  think 
I  am  right  in  saying  that  this  material  is  practically  unknown  to  Ameri- 
can or  foreign  historical  investigators. 

When  the  every-day  American  was  entirely  dependent  for  informa- 
tion as  to  European  affairs  on  the  knowledge  he  could  gather  from  the 
meagre  columns  of  the  newspapers  before  the  use  of  steamships  or  the 
invention  of  the  telegraph,  any  first-hand  information  was,  no  doubt, 
welcomed  with  joy.  The  isolation  of  America  is  brought  out  with 
startling  distinctness  by  the  study  of  these  papers.  The  ministers  of 
the  United  States  in  foreign  countries  were  dependent  on  their  own 
resources,  their  own  judgment,  and  their  knowledge  of  the  situation. 
Their  instructions  could  not  instruct  them  in  reality,  except  in  the  most 
general  way,  and  often  they  would  not  hear  from  the  government  of 
the  United  States  for  months.* 

The  foreign  ministers  sent  information  as  to  political  and  some- 
times as  to  social  conditions  in  Europe — budgets  of  news  that  must 
have  been  eagerly  read  by  the  officials  to  whom  they  were  addressed 
and  doubtless  by  others  also.  Many  of  these  letters  are  of  marked 
value,  and  probably  all  students  of  European  history  would  be  much 
interested  in  the  accounts  given  by  these  spectators  of  what  was  happen- 
ing on  the  continent.  Certainly  their  comments  would  be  quite  as  well 

*  This  again  is  well  illustrated  by  the  embarrassing  experience  of  Short,  who 
was  informed  of  Pinckney's  appointment  to  Madrid,  and  then  was  left  for  months 
without  one  word  of  information  as  to  when  Pinckney  was  to  come  to  take- 
charge  of  the  negotiations. 


14      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

worth  reading  as  are  the  letters  and  reminiscences  of  most  foreign 
diplomats,  which  are  sometimes  printed  and  often  used  by  the  student 
and  reader  of  European  history.  As  to  the  real  historical  trust- 
worthiness of  these  letters,  one  can  not  speak  with  assurance.  The 
ministers  felt  quite  at  liberty  to  give  gossip  and  send  rumor,  though 
they  often,  if  not  invariably,  distinguished  mere  rumor  from  the  facts 
that  they  gathered  from  the  public  gazettes  or  from  conversation  and 
observation.  No  student  of  history  would  dare  to  pass  on  the  avail- 
ability and  credibility  of  letters  of  this  kind  until  after  testing  them 
pretty  thoroughly ;  each  letter  would  naturally  need  examination  in  con- 
nection with  the  facts  discussed.  Of  all  the  letters  examined  describ- 
ing European  conditions  and  movements,  perhaps  the  most  striking  are 
those  of  William  Short,  John  Quincy  Adams,  Jonathan  Russell,  and 
Benjamin  Rush.  But  I  do  not  pretend  to  pass  on  them  all  or  to  say 
that  there  are  not  many  other  ministers  whose  communications  contain 
material  quite  as  valuable  for  the  illumination  of  European  history  and 
of  the  fluctuating  stages  of  diplomacy. 

The  volume  of  letters  sent  by  William  Short  from  Paris  from 
September,  1789,  to  November,  1790,  is  full  of  interest  for  all  students 
of  the  French  Revolution  (see  Nos.  I-IV,  pp.  20-36).  The  letters  are 
well  written  and  are  evidently  the  work  of  a  thoughtful  man  who  was 
deeply  interested  in  the  course  of  the  Revolution,  and  kept  careful 
watch  of  its  progress.  Here,  as  elsewhere,  it  is  necessary,  of  course,  to 
distinguish  between  actual  fact  and  the  reports  that  the  ministers  trans- 
mitted to  Congress,  but  his  descriptions  of  debates  in  the  National 
Assembly,  his  accounts  of  scenes  in  the  streets  of  Paris,  his  tracing  of 
the  rise  and  fall  of  popular  enthusiasm,  can  scarcely  be  far  from  right. 
We  get  from  these  letters  a  vivid  narrative  of  the  course  of  the  Revolu- 
tion for  thirteen  critical  months.  In  addition  there  is  constant  refer- 
ence to  the  commercial  relations  between  France  and  America,  to  the 
American  prisoners  in  Algiers,  to  the  threatened  war  between  Spain 
and  England  over  the  Nootka  Sound  trouble,  to  the  conditions  in  the 
Netherlands  and  Belgium,  to  the  conduct  of  Lafayette  and  Mirabeau, 
to  the  apparent  popularity  or  unpopularity  of  the  leading  characters, 
to  the  constantly  varying  opinions  and  passions  of  the  people,  to  the 
purposes  and  the  behavior  of  the  king  and  queen,  and  to  the  sufferings 
of  the  emigres.  The  second  volume  of  Short's  letters  from  Paris  begins 
March  30,  1791,  and  ends  in  August,  1792.  It  is  full  of  entertaining 
information.  His  descriptions  are,  no  doubt,  once  again  based  in  part 
on  rumor,  but  he  evidently  was  an  eye-witness  of  much,  and  he  had 
the  faculty  of  recounting  in  a  most  entertaining  fashion  the  events 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       15 

which  attracted  his  attention  and  which  he  thought  would  interest  the 
American  government. 

Any  one  that  has  ever  read  a  letter  from  the  pen  of  John  Quincy 
Adams  will  be  prepared  to  hear  that  his  European  despatches  are  full, 
graphic,  keen,  and  entertaining.  First,  we  have  two  volumes  of  un- 
printed  despatches  written  by  Adams  while  he  was  minister  to  the 
Netherlands,  running  from  July,  1794,  to  April,  1798.  Among  these 
is  to  be  found  his  report  on  a  mission  to  London  in  1795.  There  is 
next  a  little  volume  of  letters  written  from  Berlin  during  the  latter  part 
of  1800  and  the  early  months  of  1801  (October  to  June) .  This  volume 
contains  eighteen  interesting  letters  on  the  European  situation  of  the 
time,  and  I  presume  it  may  be  safely  conjectured  that  the  student  of  the 
Napoleonic  period  will  not  find  these  despatches  dull.  It  is  certainly 
interesting  to  the  average  reader  to  see  the  events  of  the  day  through 
the  eyes  of  such  a  keen  observer.  The  succession  of  events  in  Europe 
and  the  general  industrial  and  military  situation  were  naturally  of  con- 
siderable moment  to  the  Americans  of  1800;  the  students  of  American 
history  are  necessarily  interested  in  knowing  not  only  what  was  taking 
place  abroad,  but  also  the  supposed  facts,  strategic  purposes,  and  diplo- 
matic probabilities  disclosed  by  the  despatches  of  our  foreign  repre- 
sentatives, constituting  the  knowledge  on  which  our  government  could 
form  its  own  judgments.  On  p.  37  will  be  found  one  of  the  letters  from 
Berlin  (No.  VI).  I  have  chosen  it  because  it  shows  so  well  the  inter- 
ests of  the  United  States  in  the  European  struggle. 

Of  greater  interest  are  the  despatches  of  John  Quincy  Adams  from 
St.  Petersburg,  Paris,  and  Ghent.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Adams 
went  to  Russia  as  minister  in  1809,  and  that  he  did  not  return  until 
after  peace  was  framed.  There  are  three  volumes  of  his  despatches 
filed  with  Russian  despatches,  though  a  portion  of  the  letters  were  writ- 
ten from  Paris  and  a  good  many  from  Ghent.  In  the  first  volume  we 
find  122  letters,  practically  all  unprinted,  and  in  the  second  volume  167 
letters,  largely  unprinted.  *  The  third  also  contains  much  unpublished 
material  of  interest ;  it  is  taken  up  with  the  work  of  the  joint  commis- 
sioners in  St.  Petersburg.  The  letters,  written  with  regularity,  describe 
with  care  every  move  in  the  great  diplomatic  and  martial  game  that 
was  playing  to  a  finish  in  Europe.  The  condition  of  Russia,  the  opin- 
ions of  Austria's  plans  and  purposes,  the  character  and  ambitions  of 
Napoleon,  the  formation  of  the  new  combinations  to  check  his  vic- 
torious career,  the  effect  of  the  disastrous  retreat  from  Moscow,  are 
here  told  in  long  and  able  letters,  written  with  literary  skill  and  with 
the  freedom  and  abandon  one  might  expect  from  the  younger  Adams. 


1 6      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

We  get,  in  fact,  from  this  correspondence  a  vivid  contemporary  history 
of  five  years  of  the  Napoleonic  wars,  a  history  at  times  based  on  sur- 
mise and  conjecture,  it  is  true,  but  bringing  the  situation  before  us 
with  remarkable  distinctness.  Any  one  of  these  letters  might  be  selected 
and  printed  in  this  pamphlet  as  an  illustration  of  the  kind  of  historical 
material  that  lies  concealed  in  these  archives,  but  I  have  chosen  the  one 
commenting  on  the  retreat  of  Napoleon  from  Moscow  (No.  VII,  p.  40). 

Adams  had  the  task  in  hand  of  discussing  with  the  court  of  Russia 
the  reasons  for  America's  entering  the  war  and  was  also  later  con- 
cerned with  the  proposition  of  Russian  mediation.  The  reports  of  his 
interviews  have  therefore  evident  value  in  American  diplomatic  history. 
We  should  naturally  be  more  surprised,  however,  to  find  that  not  even 
all  the  American  materials  for  a  study  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent  are  at 
hand  in  print.  It  is  hard  to  see  how  any  set  of  despatches  could  touch 
us  more  closely  than  the  series  sent  by  Adams  during  the  dreary  wait- 
ing at  Ghent  (see  Nos.  VIII-X,  pp.  43-54).  Perhaps  we  can  see  by 
reading  these  why  the  United  States  was  willing  to  accept  a  peace  that 
did  not  essentially  settle  the  objects  of  the  war,  and  why  the  com- 
missioners were  ready  to  close  hostilities  by  signing  such  a  treaty.  By 
studying  such  despatches  as  these  of  Adams  we  get  an  idea  of  the  per- 
sistent fight  England  made  against  Napoleon's  power,  of  the  continuing 
interest  of  the  United  States,  of  how  England  finally  brought  America 
to  a  stage  of  exasperation  and  desperation,  and  of  the  position  of  tre- 
mendous importance  that  England  occupied  after  the  first  overthrow 
of  Napoleon. 

It  may  seem  a  strange  assertion  that  we  have  nowhere  in  print  the 
most  necessary  despatches  for  an  understanding  of  the  events  imme- 
diately preceding  the  War  of  1812.  These  despatches  were  seemingly 
used  by  Henry  Adams  in  preparing  his  History  of  the  United  States', 
for  he  makes  reference  to  a  few  of  them.  Many  of  the  most  interest- 
ing are,  however,  not  in  print,  either  in  Adams's  history  or  in  the  State 
Papers.  And  yet  any  one  wishing  to  see  vividly  the  causes  of  the  war 
must  turn  to  these  papers.  They  bring  sharply  before  us  the  complexi- 
ties of  the  situation,  and  give  us  a  new  view  of  the  intricate  diplo- 
macy of  those  perplexing  days,  when  America  was  trying  hard  to 
believe  that  Napoleon  had  withdrawn  his  vexatious  decrees,  when  Eng- 
land, feeling  the  force  of  the  non-intercourse  acts,  was  evidently  trying 
to  be  as  fair  as  a  consuming  hatred  of  France  and  a  distrust  of  Napoleon 
would  allow,  and  when  the  emperor  of  the  French  was  willing  to  make 
bland  promises  to  our  ministers  if  he  could  entangle  England  in  new 
difficulties.  The  despatches  of  Jonathan  Russell  from  France,  January 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       17 

4,  1810,  to  October  29,  1811,  give  a  great  deal  of  information  about 
Napoleon's  relations  to  American  commerce  (see  No.  XI,  p.  54), 
while  the  published  letters  deal  only  with  attempts  to  discover  viola- 
tions of  the  decree  revoking  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees.  Not  being 
willing  to  declare  openly  his  disbelief  in  Napoleon's  assurances,  Russell 
still  shows  by  his  despatches  strong  evidences  of  doubt.  His  despatches 
of  November  17,  1810,  December  4,  1810,  March  15  and  March  25, 
1811,  are  in  this  matter  especially  illuminating.  Noteworthy  also  are 
Russell's  repeated  protests  regarding  treatment  of  American  ships  and 
seamen  (March  4  and  following),  and  the  frequency  with  which  he 
wrote  on  the  copies  of  his  notes  to  the  French  minister  the  telling 
words  "  not  answered." 

Russell's  discussions  with  Castlereagh  before  the  announcement  in 
England  that  war  had  begun  are  of  marked  interest;  some  are  not 
printed  at  all ;  of  others  only  extracts  are  printed.  The  letters  of  Joel 
Barlow  from  Paris  at  the  critical  juncture  of  affairs,  September  29, 
1811,  to  November  23,  1812,  are  rather  fully  published,  though  some 
interesting  ones  have  been  omitted.  In  the  State  Papers  (III,  405-434) 
will  be  found  the  despatches  submitted  to  Congress  from  November  5, 
1811,  to  November  4,  1812,  referring  to  the  relations  between  England 
and  the  United  States.  Many  of  these  are  not  printed  in  full.  An  ex- 
ceedingly interesting  example  of  the  way  the  material  is  used  in  the  old 
State  Papers  appears  in  the  documents  that  follow  (see  Nos.  XII,  XIII, 
pp.  61—67).  A  good  illustration  and  not  an  extreme  instance  is  the  des- 
patch of  March  20,  1812.  It  covers  over  eight  pages  of  foolscap  paper, 
and  contains  much  valuable  information;  but  from  this  letter  there 
appears  in  the  State  Papers  (III,  427)  only,  "  I  had  the  honor  to  ad- 
dress you  on  the  4th  instant,  giving  a  brief  account  of  the  debate  in 
the  House  of  Commons  on  the  preceding  evening.  Since  then,  no 
change  in  relation  to  us  has  taken  place  here."  Of  course,  Russell  all 
through  these  days  was  a  false  reader  of  political  signs,  perhaps  blinded 
for  a  time  by  prejudice;  for,  as  we  know,  the  ministry  really  were 
preparing  to  withdraw  the  obnoxious  orders  in  council. 

The  materials  on  the  recognition  of  the  South  American  republics 
appear  printed  at  considerable  length  in  the  State  Papers,  but  there  is 
much  of  great  value  unprinted.  Of  this  I  need  give  no  example.  An 
examination  of  the  references  in  Mr.  Paxson's  book,  The  Independence 
of  the  South  American  Republics,  will  enable  one  to  see  the  kind  of 
material  not  in  print.  As  for  the  material  leading  up  to  the  announce- 
ment of  the  Monroe  doctrine,  there  is  considerable  that  bears  plainly 
on  that  question.  The  discussions  between  Rush  and  Castlereagh,  and 


1 8      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

those  between  Rush  and  Canning,  are  the  most  important.  There  is  a 
series  of  very  important  despatches  from  Rush,  some  of  which  are 
known,  but  almost  all  of  which  are  not  printed  in  the  State  Papers. 
Of  these,  nearly  all  have  recently  been  printed  in  an  appendix  to  Ham- 
ilton's edition  of  the  Writings  of  James  Monroe  (VI,  356-419) .  These 
letters,  showing  the  marked  capacity  of  Rush  and  his  full  statements 
of  the  American  position,  his  independence  and  soundness  of  judg- 
ment, as  well  as  the  position  of  England,  are  of  extreme  interest.  These 
despatches  certainly  prove  that  Rush  was  one  of  our  ablest  diplomatists 
and  indicate  how  well  the  interests  of  the  United  States  were  cared  for 
under  the  guidance  of  Adams  and  Rush  during  eight  critical  years. 

One  series  of  papers,  of  the  existence  of  which  American  historical 
students  do  not  seem  to  have  been  aware,  though,  of  course,  they  may 
have  been  used  by  some  investigators  without  my  knowledge,  contains 
the  diplomatic  correspondence  with  Texas  from  the  time  when  we 
acknowledged  Texan  independence  to  the  time  of  admission  of  the 
state — more  accurately,  from  May  21,  1837,  to  October  n,  1845. 
There  are  altogether  six  volumes,  and  a  careful  examination  justifies 
an  estimate  that  they  contain  390,000  words.  The  Congressional  series 
of  executive  documents  contains  considerable  Texan  material,  but  most 
of  these  papers  refer  to  questions  of  boundary,  to  attempts  to  maintain 
neutrality  in  the  war  between  Texas  and  Mexico,  Indian  depredations, 
trade  relations,  and  matters  of  that  kind.  But  the  printed  reports  con- 
tain very  little  on  the  really  important  question  of  annexation  or  on  the 
diplomatic  and  political  relations  between  Texas  and  the  United  States. 
The  archives,  on  the  other  hand,  naturally  contain  much  valuable  in- 
formation and  will  be  of  service  to  the  historian  of  the  political,  social, 
or  industrial  events  and  conditions  of  that  period.  The  volume  of  in- 
structions contains  very  important  letters  from  Upshur,  Calhoun,  and 
Buchanan,  which  are  very  necessary  for  the  proper  understanding  of 
the  events  leading  to  annexation.  The  number  of  instructions,  how- 
ever, is  not  large;  there  is  one  volume  of  fair  copies,  containing  131 
documents  in  129  folio  pages.  Most  of  the  instructions,  however,  are 
dated  comparatively  late  in  the  history  of  the  Texan  question,  and 
throw  light  on  the  later  negotiations.  The  despatches  from  our  minis- 
ters in  Texas  are  contained  in  two  large  volumes,  containing  about  450 
different  communications,  and  are,  like  the  instructions,  exceedingly 
valuable.  They  describe  the  political  and  industrial  conditions  in 
Texas,  the  course  of  the  war  between  Texas  and  Mexico,  the  attitude 
of  the  Texans  toward  the  United  States,  and  the  sentiment  of  annexa- 
tion. They  show  the  relations  between  Texas  and  the  European 
powers,  the  continuing  belief  that  Texas  and  England  might  join  hands, 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       19 

the  question  of  boundary,  and  the  steps  taken  for  final  annexation  by 
the  United  States.  Very  few  of  these  despatches  have  been  printed. 
Some  of  the  letters,  of  course,  are  not  of  historical  significance,  but 
others  are  of  unusual  interest.  Notes  to  the  Texas  legation  are  not 
very  many  or  of  much  interest ;  doubtless  most  of  the  communications 
were  oral.  There  are  two  very  instructive  volumes  of  notes  sent  by 
the  Texan  representatives  to  the  State  Department  during  eight  years. 
The  character  and  value  of  this  Texan  correspondence  may  well  be 
indicated  by  the  fact  that  they  were  found  a  few  years  ago  to  contain 
among  other  things  the  original  draft  of  the  Texan  Declaration  of 
Independence  from  Mexico,  which  on  application  of  the  governor  of 
Texas  was  transferred  to  the  keeping  of  Texas  as  properly  belonging 
to  that  state  and  not  to  the  nation.  Of  special  interest,  perhaps,  are 
the  papers  written  during  1843,  ^44,  and  1845,  after  the  accession  of 
Upshur  to  the  secretaryship  and  the  final  admission  of  the  state*  (see 
XIV,  XV,  pp.  67-73) .  Attention  should  likewise  be  called  to  the  papers, 
not  far  from  five  hundred  in  number,  now  in  the  Bureau  of  Rolls  and 
Library ;  they  are  the  archives  of  the  United  States  legation  in  Texas, 
which  were  transferred  to  Washington  after  Texas  ceased  to  be  a 
foreign  state. 

I  have  in  the  preceding  pages  given  but  a  faint  idea  of  the  amount 
and  character  of  the  valuable  historical  papers  contained  in  the  diplo- 
matic correspondence^  The  more  explicit  statements  I  have  given 
are  only  for  the  purpose  of  illustration.  Below  will  be  found  a  few 
documents  chosen  for  the  purpose  of  indicating  the  character  of  the 
material.  They  will  illustrate  in  some  measure  ( I )  the  kind  of  material 
not  published  in  the  State  Papers',  (2)  that  even  when  a  series  of 
papers  relating  to  a  particular  subject  has  been  printed,  important  docu- 
ments are  often  omitted;  and  (3)  that  when  extracts  of  documents  are 
printed,  the  omitted  portions  are  often  of  great  historical  value  and 
contain  information  which  no  longer  need  be  kept  from  the  public  eye. 
In  these  letters  the  original  spelling,  punctuation,  and  arrangement  has 
been  carefully  followed,  with  two  exceptions :  "  and  "  has  been  sub- 
stituted for  the  figure  &;  and  superior  letters  in  abbreviations  have 
been  printed  on  the  line.  In  some  cases  a  misspelled  word  has  been 
explained  in  a  foot-note ;  in  others  the  correct  word  is  so  evident  that 
no  explanation  has  been  thought  necessary. 

*  Some  of  the  important  papers  accompany  Folk's  message  of  December, 
1845.  These  are  not  referred  to  under  "Texas"  in  Ferrell's  Congressional 
Document  Index.  See  Sen.  Doc.  I,  29  Cong.,  i  sess. 

_  t  For  an  outline  sketch  of  the  entire  archives  of  the  Department  of  State,  see 
Guide  to  the  Archives  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States  in  Washington, 
by  C.  H.  Van  Tyne  and  W.  G.  Leland,  1904,  pages  2-31. 


2O      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 


ILLUSTRATIVE  DOCUMENTS. 


I.    WILLIAM  SHORT  TO  JOHN  JAY. 
(Despatches,  France,  Volume  i,  Despatch  No.  2.) 

PARIS  October  9th.  1789. 
Sir. 

I  had  the  honor  of  announcing  to  you  in  a  letter  of  the  3Oth.  of 
September  the  departure  of  Mr.  Jefferson  from  this  place,  a  letter 
from  him  of  the  8th.  instant  informs  me  that  he  was  detained  at  Havre 
by  contrary  winds. 

Within  these  few  days  events  of  a  very  extraordinary  and  un- 
expected nature  have  taken  place  here.  Three  weeks  ago  a  Regiment 
of  Infantry  had  been  ordered  to  Versailles,  their  arrival  there  was 
cause  of  Jealousy  to  the  French  guards  who  have  acted  a  considerable 
part  in  this  revolution,  and  who  instead  of  the  post  they  formerly  oc- 
cupied near  the  King's  person  are  now  in  the  pay  of  the  City  of  Paris 
under  the  appellation  of  National  guards,  the  distressing  scarcity 
of  bread  which  has  continued  here  for  some  time  had  excited  among 
the  people  much  discontent  and  uneasiness,  in  this  state  of  the  minds 
of  the  soldiery  and  people,  which  it  is  apprehended  designing  persons 
wished  to  make  use  of,  accounts  were  brought  from  Versailles  of  an 
entertainment  given  by  the  gardes  du  corps  to  the  officers  of  the  regi- 
ment of  infantry,  reports  were  printed  and  circulated  in  a  number  of 
inflammatory  gazettes  of  circumstances  having  taken  place  at  this  en- 
tertainment which  shewed  designs  unfriendly  to  present  measures, 
this  sufficed  in  these  times  of  alarm  and  suspicion  to  create  a  con- 
siderable degree  of  fermentation ;  and  on  Sunday  evening  the  4th.  inst. 
large  crowds  assembled  in  the  Palais  Royale  in  a  tumultuous  manner, 
detachments  of  the  guard  were  sent  there  and  patrolled  the  garden; 
they  did  not  attempt  to  disperse  the  people,  as  they  had  proceeded  to  no 
excess  except  in  words,  the  night  separated  the  crowd,  as  the  same 
movements  of  the  Palais  Royal  had  taken  place  on  other  occasions  and 
died  away  of  themselves,  this  did  not  give  particular  alarm.  However 
on  monday  morning  large  crowds  assembled  on  the  place  de  Greve — 
the  greater  part  were  women;  who  now  took  the  lead,  they  forced 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.  21 

the  Hotel  de  Ville,  the  guard  not  thinking  it  proper  to  use  violence  in 
their  resistance,  little  or  no  disorder  was  committed  by  these  women, 
and  they  seem  to  have  had  no  particular  object  in  entering — the  chest 
of  money  which  was  opened  and  shewed  to  them  was  left  untouched, 
a  reinforcement  was  sent  to  the  guard  who  by  degrees  and  peaceable 
measures  recovered  possession  of  the  Hotel  de  Ville.  from  hence 
they  ran  through  the  streets  forcing  many  of  their  sex  of  a  different 
order  whom  they  met  with  in  their  way  to  join  them — the  cry  now 
became  general  a  Versailles,  a  Versailles — their  numbers  amounted  to 
five  or  six  thousand,  many  of  them  armed  with  swords,  and  thus  began 
their  procession  to  Versailles  without  having  any  determinate  object. — 
the  departure  of  this  procession  increased  the  tumult  which  still  con- 
tinued on  the  Place  de  Greve. — The  mob  and  regiment  of  French  or 
National  guards,  united  in  insisting  that  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette 
should  lead  them  to  Versailles — their  clamours  were  increased  by  peo- 
ple who  circulated  reports  in  the  crowd,  that  the  King  was  about  to 
retire  to  Metz,  where  there  is  a  numerous  garrison — the  situation  of 
the  Marquis  thus  became  the  most  critical  that  can  be  imagined,  had 
he  refused  absolutely  to  go,  he  would  have  lost  the  confidence  of  the 
French  guards  (who  had  for  some  time  been  plotting  an  expedition  to 
Versailles  to  recover  their  former  post  of  honor  in  guarding  the  King) 
and  would  have  become  an  immediate  victim  to  the  people  assembled 
on  the  Place  de  Greve,  and  already  furious  on  account  of  the  delay — 
in  consenting  to  march  he  had  before  him  the  prospect  of  finding  on 
his  arrival  that  the  women  who  had  gone  off  in  the  morning  had  been 
attacked  by  the  gardes  du  corps  and  regiment  of  infantry  at  Ver- 
sailles, in  that  case,  it  would  have  been  impossible  for  him  to  have 
withheld  his  troops  and  much  less  the  thousands  of  furious  and  en- 
raged people  who  followed  him  armed  with  pikes  and  spears,  from 
commencing  a  scene  which  must  be  left  to  be  conceived,  in  considering 
that  the  King  and  his  family  as  well  as  the  National  Assembly  were 
on  the  spot.  Monsieur  de  la  Fayette  finding  it  impossible  to  resist 
any  longer  this  torrent  which  had  been  hitherto  arrested  by  his  cool- 
ness and  address  alone,  sat  out  between  five  and  six  o'clock  in  the  even- 
ing at  the  head  of  the  greater  part  of  the  troops  under  his  command. 

The  women  who  had  gone  off  in  the  morning  arrived  at  Versailles 
just  as  the  Assembly  was  rising,  their  arrival  carried  with  it  dismay — 
the  streets  were  crowded  with  people  who  fled  on  all  parts — the  Mem- 
bers who  were  going  out  returned  to  their  stations  as  to  an  Asylum — 
they  were  immediately  followed  by  numbers  of  these  women  who  cried 
out  du  pain,  du  pain,  they  were  answered  that  the  Assembly  had  been 


22       DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

deliberating  on  that  article,  and  that  the  King  was  about  to  give  orders 
in  consequence,  they  left  the  Assembly  to  go  in  person  to  the  King — 
a  deputation  of  them  was  received  by  him  and  informed  that  measures 
had  been  taken  to  secure  the  supplies  of  Paris. 

As  night  approached  the  crowd  and  confusion  increased:  The 
troops  consisting  of  the  gardes  du  corps,  the  regiment  of  infantry  and 
the  garde  Bourgeoise  of  Versailles  all  under  the  command  of  the 
Count  D'Estaing,  were  drawn  up  in  front  of  the  Chateau — a  scattering 
fire  took  place,  not  known  how,  between  the  gardes  du  corps  and  the 
people — several  were  wounded  on  both  sides. — between  nine  and  ten 
o'clock,  the  troops  which  had  been  thus  drawn  up  were  ordered  to 
retire  to  their  quarters,  in  order  to  prevent  any  similar  accidents. 

When  the  Members  who  had  seperated  for  dinner  returned  to  the 
Assembly  in  the  evening  they  found  the  room  occupied  by  immense 
crowds  of  women  who  filled  the  galleries  and  most  of  the  seats  of  the 
members ;  some  singing,  some  dancing,  others  crying  out  du  pain,  and 
many  of  them  with  swords  hanging  to  their  sides.  In  this  confusion 
it  was  impossible  to  proceed  regularly  to  business;  still  the  members 
continued  assembled — a  part  of  a  deputation  they  had  sent  to  the  King 
returned  bringing  with  them  his  acceptation  pure  and  simple  of  the 
articles  of  the  constitution  and  Bill  of  rights  which  had  been  sent  to 
him  some  days  before,  and  to  which  by  his  answer  received  in  the 
morning,  he  had  only  acceded  conditionally. 

In  this  situation  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette  approached  Versailles, 
about  ii  o'clock  at  night,  although  on  leaving  Paris  he  was  the 
prisoner  of  his  troops  and  the  mob  which  followed  them,  before  his 
arrival  he  had  obtained  such  a  command  over  them  that  notwithstand- 
ing the  impetuosity  of  the  multitude  he  was  able  to  halt  them  and  make 
them  swear  Allegiance  to  the  National  Assembly  and  to  the  King 
before  entering  the  town.  This  was  the  more  necessary  because*  it 
was  suspected  a  party  attached  to  the  Duke  of  Orleans  had  been  tam- 
pering with  his  troops  [not  deciphered]  and  the  mob  and  also  because 
his  designs  in  his  present  singular  situation  might  have  been  liable  to 
suspicion  both  to  the  King  and  the  Assembly. 

M.  de  la  Fayette  leaving  his  troops  thus  halted  went  alone  to  the 
King,  who  after  assuring  him  of  the  entire  confidence  which  he  placed 
in  his  loyalty  and  honor,  agreed  to  be  guarded  in  future  by  the  national 
troops  under  his  command,  the  posts  around  the  Chateau  which  they 
had  formerly  occupied  were  immediately  delivered  to  them,  and  from 


*  From  "  because  "  to  "  Assembly  "  appears  in  the  original  in  cipher. 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       23 

that  moment  their  conduct  was  most  exemplary — the  remainder  of  the 
night  was  employed  in  keeping  order  amongst  the  thousands  of  people 
who  continued  flocking  there  from  Paris.  At  six  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing (of  tuesday)  M.  de  la  Fayette  worn  down  by  the  fatigues  of  the 
preceding  day  and  night,  retired  to  repose  himself — during  his  absence 
the  mob  became  ungovernable — they  fired  on  and  killed  the  gardes  du 
corps  wherever  they  could  find  them — some  of  them  in  their  flight 
were  pursued  into  the  Queen's  Antichamber.  She  was  awakened  by 
the  cries  of  death  and  fled  into  the  chamber  of  the  King,  who  had  been 
also  roused  by  the  noise  of  immense  crouds  surrounding  and  running 
up  and  down  the  Chateau.  M.  de  la  Fayette,  whose  conduct  on  this 
occasion  has  acquired  him  from  all  parties  the  appellation  of  the 
guardian  angel  of  the  day,  was  immediately  called  up.  the  first  objects 
which  presented  themselves  to  his  view  were  the  heads  of  two  of  the 
gardes  du  corps  which  the  people  were  carrying  on  pikes  through  the 
streets  in  triumph — numbers  of  others  about  to  become  victims  to  the 
rage  of  the  moment  were  rescued  by  him  from  slaughter — it  is  not 
yet  ascertained  how  many  fell. — The  large  court  in  front  of  the 
Chateau  was  now  filled  with  the  furious  multitude.  The  King  shewed 
himself  to  them  from  the  terrace  of  his  chamber — they  insisted  with 
loud  cries  that  he  should  go  to  remain  at  Paris,  he  consented  and 
added  that  he  would  carry  the  Queen  and  his  family,  it  was  not  known 
how  this  would  be  received  by  them — fortunately  it  was  answered  with 
shouts  of  joy — this  became  the  signal  of  universal  reconciliation. 

The  national  Assembly  being  immediately  informed  of  this  de- 
cision of  the  King,  resolved  that  they  considered  themselves  as  in- 
separable from  his  Majesty  for  the  present  Session  and  sent  to  inform 
him  of  their  resolution  to  follow  him  to  Paris.  About  twelve  o'clock 
the  King  and  Royal  Family  accompanied  by  a  deputation  of  the  national 
assembly  left  Versailles,  they  were  preceded  and  followed  by  the 
troops  of  Paris,  and  the  crowds  which  had  been  pressing  there  during 
all  this  time  from  the  capital — at  eight  o'clock  they  arrived  at  the  Hotel 
de  Ville  and  were  received  there  in  great  order  by  the  Mayor  and 
Commons  of  Paris,  notwithstanding  the  confusion  which  might  have 
been  expected,  from  thence  they  went  to  lodge  at  the  Chateau  of  the 
Thuilleries. — From  this  moment  a  calm  reigned  through  all  the  streets 
which  seemed  to  have  been  the  effect  of  Magic,  and  the  next  morning 
to  the  astonishment  of  every  body  bread  became  as  abundant  as  ever 
and  has  continued  so  since,  this  confirms  the  opinion  that  the  scarcity 
was  not  real — there  are  many  suspicions  on  this  subject  among  all 
parties — but  I  see  nothing  like  proof  on  any  side — a  number  of  people 


24      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

however  are  arrested  on  suspicion  of  having  mischievous  designs  in 
stirring  up  the  populace — it  is  said  also  that  large  parcels  of  bread  have 
been  found  thrown  into  the  river  in  order  to  starve  the  people  of  Paris 
and  thus  render  them  ripe  for  revolt. — time  alone  can  shew  the  truth 
of  these  things — one  thing  however  which  is  certain  is  that  if  the  late 
scarcity  of  bread  should  return,  the  effects  of  popular  rage  would  be 
more  than  ever  to  be  dreaded,  as  the  king  and  particularly  the  queen 
will  in  that  case  be  absolutely  in  the  hands  of  a  mob  who  in  times  of 
famine  will  be  too  strong  for  the  guards.*  I  fear,  Sir,  I  may  have  taken 
up  too  much  of  your  time  by  the  particularity  of  these  details,  but  I 
thought  it  would  be  proper  to  lay  under  your  view  with  minuteness  the 
rise  and  progress  of  an  event  so  singular  in  itself,  and  which  must  be 
so  influential  as  well  on  the  present  deliberations  of  the  national  assem- 
bly as  the  future  operations  of  government.  It  is  not  yet  known  what 
effect  it  will  have  in  the  provinces,  the  conjectures  on  this  subject 
are  various  according  [to]  the  views  and  party  of  the  person  who  forms 
them,  it  being  certain  that  it  will  be  unsafe  to  deliver  any  other  than 
the  most  popular  sentiments  in  the  Assembly  whilst  in  Paris,  it  would 
seem  as  if  the  constituents  of  the  other  parts  of  the  Kingdom  might 
have  just  cause  of  complaint,  but  I  am  assured  by  members  of  infor- 
mation that  so  large  a  majority  in  all  the  provinces  are  consentaneous 
with  the  people  of  Paris  that  no  reclamations  are  to  be  apprehended. 
The  King  has  written  to  day  a  letter  to  the  Assembly  at  Versailles  in 
which  he  informs  them  that  the  proofs  of  affection  and  fidelity  which  he 
has  received  from  the  inhabitants  of  Paris  have  induced  him  to  fix  his 
residence  here,  and  desires  they  will  name  commissioners  to  chuse  a 
proper  place  for  their  meeting  in  the  Capital — they  will  continue  their 
deliberations  at  Versailles  untill  a  place  shall  be  prepared  for  them  here. 
The  objects  which  occupy  them  at  present  are  the  remaining  articles 
of  the  constitution  and  a  provisory  change  in  their  criminal  procedure. 
I  mentioned  to  you,  Sir  in  my  letter  of  September  3Oth.  that  the  Assem- 
bly was  taking  measures  in  consequence  of  the  plan  then  proposed  to 
them  by  Mr.  Necker  on  the  subject  of  their  finances — they  have  since 
enacted  his  plan  into  a  Law  and  drawn  up  the  address  to  their  con- 
stituents in  consequence  of  it,  which  I  have  the  honor  to  inclose  you. 
It  is  entirely  of  the  composition  of  the  Count  de  Mirabeau  who  was 
chosen  for  that  purpose  by  the  Assembly  on  account  of  his  unrivalled 
eloquence. 


Portions  of  this  sentence  are  in  cipher  in  the  original. 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       25 

A  political  event  of  considerable  moment  is  talked  of  as  certainly 
to  take  place,  it  is  said  that  England,  Prussia  and  Holland  have 
united  to  separate  from  the  house  of  Austria  their  possessions  in  the 
Netherlands,  and  to  render  them  independent — it  is  added  that  the 
Dutch  and  Prussian  armies  are  already  formed  for  that  object,  those 
who  are  supposed  to  be  in  the  secret  of  these  Cabinets  say  that  this 
event  will  shew  itself  fully  in  the  course  of  the  next  month.  The 
Emperor  has  about  12,000  troops  in  those  provinces — they  will  prob- 
ably make  no  resistance  against  the  general  ill  humour  and  projected 
insurrection  of  the  inhabitants  supported  by  the  Prussian  and  Dutch 
forces  and  English  gold.  An  account  has  just  arrived  here  also  of  the 
Imperial  army  which  crossed  the  Danube  on  the  nth  and  I2th.  of 
Septr.  in  order  to  begin  the  siege  of  Belgrade  having  obtained  a  con- 
siderable advantage  over  the  Turks. 

I  am  assured  that  the  premium  on  the  importation  of  wheat  and 
flour  is  prolonged  to  December;  but  I  have  no  official  information  of 
it,  and  I  do  not  think  it  worth  while  to  attempt  to  see  the  Minister  on 
the  subject  in  the  present  confusion,  as  the  period  is  too  short  to  have 
any  influence  on  American  supplies.  As  this  letter  goes  by  Post  it 
will  not  be  accompanied  by  the  Gazettes  of  France  and  Leyden  nor 
the  Debates  of  the  Assembly.  I  shall  reserve  them  for  a  private  hand. 
In  the  mean  time,  I  beg  you  to  be  assured  Sir  of  the  profound  respect 
with  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be.  Your  most  obt.  humble  Servant. 

W.[ILLIAM]  S[HORT]. 

II.    WILLIAM  SHORT  TO  JOHN  JAY. 
(Despatches,  France,  Volume  i,  Despatch  No.  19.) 

Dear  Sir.  PARIS  Feb-  Ia  J79°- 

Since  my  last  an  event  which  has  been  expected  for  some  time  has 
taken  place.  On  the  4th.  inst.  the  King  went  to  the  Assembly  and  ad- 
dressed them  in  a  speech  which  I  have  the  honor  of  inclosing — the 
object  is  to  put  himself  at  the  head  as  it  were  of  the  revolution,  and 
thus  to  remove  all  the  doubts  and  fears  of  its  friends,  and  destroy  the 
hopes  of  those  who  might  wish  to  bring  back  the  ancient  order  of 
things. — those  who  advised  this  measure  had  also  in  view  the  pro- 
priety of  the  King's  taking  some  step  which  should  contradict  the 
assertions  of  those  who  insisted  that  he  was  not  free  and  subscribed  at 
present  to  the  constitution  only  by  force. — During  the  delivery  of  the 
speech,  rage  and  despair  were  marked  on  the  faces  of  a  few  of  that 
class  who  are  opposed  to  the  revolution  and  who  never  believed  till 


26      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

then  that  all  hopes  of  a  return  to  the  former  government  were  lost — 
a  kind  of  discontent  also  was  observable  with  some  of  those  who  are 
for  carrying  the  revolution  to  a  visionary  degree,  and  who  are  con- 
sequently the  enemies  of  whatever  tends  to  stop  it  at  present — they 
are  also  the  enemies  of  M :  Necker  and  criticise  the  speech,  of  which  he 
is  the  author,  in  saying  that  it  is  filled  with  the  praises  of  his  admin- 
istration which  were  exaggerated,  and  misplaced  on  that  occasion — 
these  two  extremes  of  the  assembly  being  excepted,  the  measure  taken 
by  the  King  produced  a  degree  of  enthusiasm  on  all  present  of  which 
there  are  few  examples — he  was  followed  to  his  palace  by  a  deputation 
of  the  assembly  and  by  the  shouts  and  acclamations  of  thousands  of  his 
subjects — the  Queen  with  the  Dauphin  received  the  King  and  the 
deputation  of  the  assembly — she  addressed  the  deputation  in  a  short 
but  popular  speech — this  was  reported  to  the  assembly  and  recieved 
with  the  loudest  applauses  by  all  the  members  and  spectators  present. — 
It  was  proposed  that  each  member  should  separately  take  the  oath 
which  you  will  see  on  the  paper  inclosed — this  was  done  by  all  pres- 
ent except  three — the  suppliants  and  the  deputies  of  the  chambers  of 
commerce,  and  spectators  all  solicited  the  assembly  to  be  admitted  to 
take  the  same  oath,  which  they  did  by  all  holding  out  the  hand  at  the 
same  time  and  answering  to  the  oath  read  to  them.  "  Je  le  Jure." — 
this  enthusiasm  passed  in  the  instant  from  the  assembly  to  the  Hotel 
de  ville  where  the  commons  of  Paris  were  assembled — the  oath  was 
immediately  taken  there — and  since  that  every  day  has  been  employed 
by  the  districts  and  troops  as  well  regular  as  militia  in  taking  it. — The 
same  flame  will  certainly  spread  through  the  provinces — where  it  is 
to  be  hoped  it  will  put  an  end  to  the  violences  and  disorders  which  are 
committing  in  several  of  them  against  the  persons  and  property  of  the 
nobles  disaffected  to  the  Revolution. 

It  was  hoped  that  this  measure  would  be  useful  to  the  public 
credit,  but  the  stocks  continue  falling; — I  own  it  appears  to  me  an  ex- 
traordinary circumstance  the  domains  and  ecclesiastical  property  of 
which  the  nation  is  to  have  the  disposal  and  which  it  is  known  will  be 
sold  for  the  payment  of  the  national  debt,  are  such  a  mass  of  wealth 
that  it  was  natural  to  hope  they  alone  would  have  re-established  public 
credit. — still  this  diminishes  every  day.  It  is  said  that  the  conferences 
begun  at  lassy  between  the  Imperial  and  Ottoman  ministers  have 
ceased — it  is  not  known  however  with  certainty ;  but  nothing  effectual 

towards  peace  is  expected  from  them  at  present Preparations  are 

publicly  making  for  war  in  Prussia — the  army  is  forming  with  rapidity 
in  Poland — and  a  proof  that  the  Emperor  does  not  consider  the  Turk 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       27 

as  his  most  dangerous  enemy  is  that  the  Baron  de  Laudhon*  is  not  to 
command  the  army  against  them  in  the  ensuing  campaign,  for  which 
the  two  Imperial  courts  are  making  active  preparations. 

The  affairs  in  the  low  countries  present  two  faces — with  respect 
to  the  Emperor  he  seems  to  have  abandoned  all  except  Luxemburgh — 
the  citadel  is  impregnable  to  undisciplined  troops,  and  the  province  is 
attached  to  the  Emperor  at  present  by  his  promise  to  exempt  them  from 
taxes  during  twenty  years — the  other  face  shews  these  countries  divided 
among  themselves  and  unable  to  agree  on  a  constitution  which  can  be 
permanent.  The  Duke  D'Ursel  and  the  family  of  D'Arembergf  by  far 
the  most  powerful  in  that  country  have  put  themselves  at  the  head  of 
the  popular  party — their  design  is  to  determine  that  the  sovereignty 
belongs  to  the  people  at  large — the  Nobles  and  Clergy  insist  that  the 
sovereignty  devolved  on  them,  viz — les  Etats — on  the  forfeiture  of  the 
Emperor — they  are  as  yet  the  strongest  and  are  supported  by  Prussia 
and  Holland.  The  Duke  D'Ursel  had  been  appointed  chief  of  the  mili- 
tary department — a  Prussian  general,  M.  de  SchonfeldJ  being  lately 
added  to  him  he  has  given  up  his  employment — this  is  considered  as  a 
victory  of  the  States  over  the  popular  party — the  present  conjectures 
are  that  the  States,  i.  e.  the  clergy  and  Noblesse  have  entered  into 
secret  engagements  with  Prussia  and  Holland — and  that  one  of  the 
objects  is  to  unite  the  Belgick  with  the  Dutch  provinces  under  the 
Stadhouderat  of  the  house  of  Orange — England  in  this  case  must  have 
some  compensation  given  her — and  various  conjectures  are  formed  on 
the  subject — if  such  engagements  are  taken  they  must  soon  come  to 
light,  as  the  commencement  of  the  campaign  will  necessarily  point  out 
the  object  of  it. 

Not  being  able  to  send  the  papers  as  mentioned  in  my  last  I  add 
to  them  at  present  those  which  have  come  out  since  together  with  the 
first  report  of  the  committee  of  judicature  and  send  them  by  a  private 
conveyance  to  Havre  to  day.  Supposing  they  will  be  longer  going  than 
the  Post  I  forward  this  letter  with  its  inclosures  by  it. — Among  the 
papers  abovementioned  there  is  the  Compte  generale  des  finances,  etc. 
for  the  Secretary  of  the  treasury.  I  have  received  from  London  the 
President's  speech  on  the  opening  of  Congress.  Having  not  yet  heard 
of  your  quitting  the  department  of  foreign  affairs  I  take  the  liberty  of 
continuing  to  address  my  letters  to  you,  and  am  happy  in  having  an 
opportunity  of  repeating  to  you  Sir,  the  assurances  of  respect  and 
attachment  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant 

W  SHORT. 
*  Laudon.      f  D'Arenberg.      $  Schoenfeld. 


28      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

The  inclosed  are  the  papers  mentioned  in  my  No.  18 — to  which 
I  have  since  added  others — and  among  them  the  present  general  state- 
ment of  the  finances  of  this  country  for  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
as  I  suppose  this  packet  will  go  with  less  expedition  than  a  letter  sent 
by  post  I  make  use  of  that  conveyance  for  mine  of  to-day. 

PARIS  Feb.  10.  1790.  W[ILUAM]   SHORT. 

III.    WILLIAM  SHORT  TO  JOHN  JAY. 
(Despatches,  France,  Volume  i,  Despatch  No.  32.) 

Paris  May  the  23d.  1790. 
Dear  Sir 

The  constitutional  question  of  the  right  of  war  and  peace,  which 
I  mentioned  to  you  in  my  last,  has  occupied  the  assembly  without  in- 
terruption since  that  time.  It  was  finally  decided  yesterday  evening  as 
you  will  see  by  the  articles  of  the  decree  which  I  have  the  honor  to 
inclose  you.  It  seems  to  have  given  general  satisfaction — The  min- 
istry and  aristocratic  party  are  contented  because  they  feared  that  still 
less  power  would  have  been  left  to  the  King — The  Demagogues  of  the 
assembly  have  the  appearance  of  being  satisfied,  because  it  is  a  part 
of  their  plan  to  make  the  people  of  Paris  believe  that  they  triumph  in 
the  assembly.  Consequently  when  they  find  themselves  about  to  lose 
a  question  they  adopt  such  parts  of  the  opposite  as  engage  on  their  side 
a  sufficient  number  of  the  doubtful  members  to  enable  them  to  have 
the  appearance  of  carrying  their  point.  No  debate  has  ever  shewed 
these  manoeuvres  with  so  much  evidence,  as  that  decided  yesterday 
evening. 

In  the  course  of  this  long  debate  a  great  number  of  orators  pre- 
sented different  shades  of  opinion — they  may  all  however  be  resolved 
into  three  distinct  classes — those  who  were  for  vesting  every  power 
relative  to  peace  and  war,  treaties  of  alliance,  and  in  fine  whatever  re- 
garded foreign  nations,  in  the  hands  of  the  Monarch — they  were 
composed  of  the  aristocratic  party  headed  by  the  Abbe  Maury  and 
Cazales — those  who  were  for  excluding  the  monarch  entirely  from 
the  power  of  peace  and  war,  as  being  a  portion  of  the  public  will 
which  could  be  exercised  only  by  the  representatives  of  the  people, 
without  danger  to  their  interests — they  were  headed  by  the  two  Lameths 
and  Duport,  members  of  the  Noblesse,  and  Barnave  a  lawyer  from 
Dauphine — all  of  them  young  men  of  talents  and  who  have  for  some 
time  distinguished  themselves  as  the  Demagogues  of  the  assembly — 
finally  those  whose  opinions  held  a  middle  rank,  who  thought  this  part 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       29 

of  the  sovereignty  should  be  delegated  concurrently  to  the  executive 
and  legislative  body;  or  at  least  who  supported  that  opinion  from  an 
idea  that  it  was  the  best  that  could  be  carried  at  present — they  were 
headed  by  the  Marquis  de  la  fayette,  Mirabeau  and  Chapelier.  There 
was  no  doubt  that  if  the  votes  of  the  assembly  were  taken  with  calm 
and  independence  this  latter  opinion  would  triumph,  a  part  of  its 
opponents  therefore  tried  to  enlist  on  their  side  the  people  of  Paris ;  it 
is  suspected  that  money  was  distributed  among  them  for  that  purpose, 
certain  it  is  that  in  the  crowds  which  assemble  in  the  different  parts  of 
Paris  several  street  orators  were  heard  haranguing  the  people  to  point 
out  to  them  the  danger  to  which  they  would  be  exposed  if  the  national 
assembly  did  not  reserve  to  itself  the  right  of  war  and  peace — the 
present  preparations  for  war  were  constantly  quoted  as  a  proof  in 
point — it  was  said  that  the  ministry  had  excited  the  court  of  Spain  in 
order  that  an  army  being  assembled,  they  might  undertake  a  counter 
revolution.  Other  absurdities  of  a  similar  nature  were  circulated  with 
industry  and  easily  imposed  on  the  credulity  of  the  multitude — what 
alarmed  them  still  more  was  the  report  that  Mirabeau  was  gained  over 
to  the  Ministry — unfortunately  the  moral  character  of  this  member 

whose  talents  are  unrivalled,  is  no  obstacle  to  such  a  report When 

he  delivered  his  opinion  and  proposed  his  decree  two  days  ago  his 
eloquence  wrested  applauses  from  all  parties  and  particularly  from  the 
public  galleries  who  are  in  the  habit  of  expressing  their  satisfaction  or 
discontent  without  restraint — but  in  the  course  of  the  night  and  the  next 
day  the  people  were  inspired  with  the  belief  that  he  wished  to  vest  the 
contested  power  in  the  hands  of  the  Monarch — His  speech  was  attacked 
with  art,  address,  and  eloquence  by  Barnave — the  marks  of  approba- 
tion given  by  the  galleries  to  this  attack  were  without  example  and 
encouraged  the  orator  to  proceed  to  an  indirect  crimination  of  the 
Marquis  de  la  fayette,  who  he  knew  would  support  Mirabeau's  opin- 
ion, and  from  whose  character  and  influence  every  thing  was  to  be 
feared.  In  passing  through  the  crowd  assembled  in  the  Tuilleries  he 
was  carried  in  triumph  by  them  to  his  carriage — this  was  considered 
by  many  as  the  signal  of  the  decline  of  the  Marquis  de  la  fayette's 
popularity  and  gave  real  alarm  to  all  parties — because  all  agree,  even 
those  who  are  opposed  to  the  revolution  and  consequently  his  enemies, 
that  it  is  his  influence  alone  which  preserves  the  order  and  security 
which  is  enjoyed  in  the  capital.  The  next  day  (yesterday)  a  pamphlet 
was  cried  in  all  the  streets  called  the  treachery  of  the  Count  de  Mira- 
beau, and  he  instead  of  being  the  idol  of  the  people,  received  marked 
proofs  of  their  discontent  on  his  way  to  the  assembly.  Notwithstand- 


30      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

ing  this  he  continued  firm  in  his  opinion,  he  answered  the  attack  of 
Barnave,  pulverized  his  arguments,  and  with  a  degree  of  eloquence  of 
which  there  has  been  no  example  in  the  assembly,  inveighed  against 
the  low  and  artful  intrigues  of  his  adversaries — he  was  applauded  by 
the  assembly,  but  not  at  all  by  the  galleries  who  are  the  thermometer 
of  the  opinions  of  the  people  without  doors — there  were  then  greater 
crowds  than  had  ever  been  seen  in  the  Tuilleries — they  shewed  in  their 
discourses  menacing  signs  of  displeasure,  swore  that  Mirabeau  was  a 
traitor  and  should  be  hung  to  the  lantern,  and  sometimes  discovered 
even  a  desire  to  enter  the  assembly — In  this  situation  of  things  the 
assembly  proceeded  by  way  of  preliminary  to  decide,  which  of  the  three 
plans  proposed  should  be  first  voted  on. — The  Marquis  de  la  fayette 
who  had  not  yet  spoken,  and  who  thought  himself  bound  to  give  more 
than  a  silent  vote  on  the  question,  made  a  short  speech  in  favor  of  that 
proposed  by  Mirabeau,  and  supported  the  motion  for  its  having  the 
priority — Many  who  from  their  suspicions  of  Mirabeau  feared  there 
was  treachery  in  his  plan,  adhered  to  it  from  their  confidence  in  the 
Marquis  de  la  fayette,  so  that  the  priority  was  granted  it  by  a  large 
majority — the  leaders  of  the  more  popular  party  finding  that  the  plan 
which  had  obtained  the  priority  would  certainly  obtain  also  the  prefer- 
ence of  the  assembly,  and  not  chusing  to  have  the  appearance  of  having 
lost  the  victory,  gave  into  the  current  of  Mirabeau's  decree  with  slight 
verbal  alterations  which  they  proposed — thus  the  several  articles  of  the 
decree  were  passed  without  further  opposition,  and  the  crowds  in 
the  Tuilleries  separated  without  disorder  because  they  were  informed 
by  the  demagogues  of  the  assembly  that  the  question  had  been  decided 
agreeably  to  their  wishes.  It  will  be  happy  if  the  fermentation  which 
has  appeared  among  the  people  for  these  two  or  three  days  past  should 
thus  subside ;  but  it  is  hardly  to  be  expected,  as  it  has  been  hitherto 
found  much  more  easy  to  excite  them  than  to  check  their  movements 
when  roused. 

In  the  mean  time  preparations  for  equipping  a  fleet  are  going  on 
with  activity  in  the  ports  of  this  Kingdom,  as  well  as  Spain.  In 
England  the  activity  of  their  operations  announces  a  real  design  of 
war. — The  idea  of  the  French  Ambassador  in  London  and  of  the  Min- 
istry here  is  that  as  yet  it  is  not  absolutely  certain  what  are  the  real 
designs  of  the  cabinet  of  St.  James — they  say  that  if  the  vessels  seized 
and  the  disputed  navigation  of  those  coasts  are  the  real  and  sole  causes 
of  the  armament  there  is  no  doubt  that  there  will  be  peace — that  is  to 
say  that  Spain  will  be  induced  to  negotiate  and  make  the  necessary 
sacrifices — but  they  add,  that  if  the  wishes  of  England  are  to  profit 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       31 

of  the  present  situation  of  Europe  in  order  to  undertake  an  advan- 
tageous war  (and  which  they  seem  to  apprehend)  they  have  no  doubt 
they  will  find  some  other  pretext  to  which  no  negociation  can  be  op- 
posed. I  have  very  sufficient  proofs  that  these  are  the  sentiments  of 
ministry  here  and  that  they  are  not  yet  fixed  in  their  opinions  as  to  the 
real  object  of  the  preparations  going  on  in  England. 

You  will  without  doubt  have  seen  before  you  receive  this  letter 
the  memorial  of  one  of  the  owners  of  the  vessels  seized  in  Nootka 
sound.  It  appears  by  it  that  there  were  two  American  vessels  there  at 
the  same  time  which  were  unmolested  by  the  Spanish  commander,  and 
which  even  seem  to  have  been  employed  in  a  part  of  the  operation. 
The  English  Minister  at  this  court  considers  the  American  vessels  as 
having  been  forced  to  this  against  their  will.  I  do  not  know  what  is 
the  opinion  of  his  court  on  this  subject.  It  would  seem  natural  that  it 
should  be  the  same. 

No  change  has  as  yet  taken  place  in  the  ministry  here — that  which 
I  mentioned  to  you  in  a  former  letter  as  being  very  probable  was  first 
postponed  for  particular  reasons  and  is  at  present  not  thought  of.  a 
change  of  circumstances  may  perhaps  bring  on  again  a  plan  which  was 
then  near  its  execution. 

It  is  believed  that  the  Emperor  of  Morocco  is  dead — it  was  re- 
ported some  time  ago  when  it  was  not  true.  At  present  however  there 
seems  no  doubt,  although  my  last  letters  from  Mr.  Carmichael  do  not 
mention  it.  It  is  probable  his  successor  will  not  be  very  scrupulous  as 
to  the  treaties  existing.  I  do  not  venture  to  use  the  cypher  which  Mr. 
Jefferson  left  with  me,  as  my  experience  of  that  for  Mr.  Carmichael 
shews  me  there  is  some  mistake,  and  makes  me  fear  it  may  be  the  same 
as  to  yours. — I  am  still  ignorant  of  the  arrangements  which  may  have 
taken  place  in  the  department  of  foreign  affairs,  and  therefore  con- 
sider myself  as  authorized  to  continue  addressing  you  my  letters — 
I  hope  you  will  allow  me  to  add  to  them  assurances  of  the  respect  and 
attachment  with  which  I  have  the  honor  to  be  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant. 

W[ILLIAM]    SHORT. 


32      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

IV.    WILLIAM  SHORT  TO  JOHN  JAY. 
(Despatches,  France,  Volume  i,  Despatch  No.  36.) 

Dear  Sir-  '  ••  PARIS  July  the  7th'  I79°'    - 

I  have  just  received  your  letter  of  the  27th  of  May,  which  has 
been  sent  here  from  L'Orient  by  M.  de  Crevecoeur.  My  last  letters  will 
have  informed  you  of  the  present  situation  of  the  business  relative  to 
the  American  captives  at  Algiers.  You  will  have  seen  there  that  noth- 
ing has  been  done,  or  possible  to  be  done,  for  their  redemption.  This 
I  know  will  not  surprize  you  when  you  recollect  the  circumstances  at- 
tending it.  Still  I  shall  leave  nothing  untried  and  will  write  you  regu- 
larly as  you  desire  respecting  it. — Some  days  ago  a  person  who  has 
resided  many  years  at  Algiers,  called  on  me  in  company  with  M. 
Volney  whom  you  know,  to  speak  of  a  means  of  procuring  peace  with 
that  Regency  on  advantageous  terms.  It  was  for  Congress  to  equip 
some  frigates  themselves,  or  to  authorize  a  company  to  do  it,  and  to 
cruise  in  the  Mediterranean,  particularly  on  the  coast  of  Egypt  against 
the  Turkish  merchant  vessels — He  said  it  was  unquestionable  that  the 
Porte  could  force  Algiers  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  any  power  what- 
ever— that  finding  their  commerce  harassed,  the  Turks  would  gladly 
exchange  their  interposition  at  Algiers  for  its  security — and  that  thus 
the  United  States  who  would  be  sure  of  failing  so  long  as  they  should 
address  the  Algerines  by  embassies  or  entreaties,  would  be  as  sure  of 
succeeding  whenever  they  should  speak  to  the  fears  and  interest  of 
the  Turks. — this  is  the  leading  idea  of  his  plan,  which  he  seems  to  have 
considered  under  all  its  circumstances.  He  went  into  several  details 
respecting  it,  which  he  is  to  communicate  to  me  in  writing.  He  has 
reasons  for  not  chusing  to  be  named ;  but  wishes  his  ideas  to  be  com- 
municated to  Congress.  His  calculation  is  that  three  frigates  manned 
by  two  hundred  men  each  would  suffice.  He  does  not  propose  their 
cruising  off  Algiers  because  a  greater  number  would  then  be  necessary 
— because  a  much  longer  time  would  be  requisite  for  making  an  im- 
pression on  the  Algerines  by  this  means ;  and  consequently  the  success 
much  less  certain.  He  proposes  cruising  against  the  Turkish  merchant- 
men because  the  prizes  would  much  more  than  indemnify  for  the  ex- 
pences  of  equipment  and  because  it  is  much  the  most  expeditious  and 
certain  mode  of  effecting  the  business  at  Algiers.  His  favorite  idea  is 
that  the  affair  should  be  mercantile — viz.  that  all  the  expences  should 
be  furnished  by  individuals  on  the  condition  of  their  having  all  the 
profits,  and  he  desires  to  be  interested  in  the  enterprize  by  placing  a 
part  of  his  fortune  in  it.  He  wishes  that  Congress  should  give  the  let- 
ters of  marque  for  reasons  that  are  obvious.  There  are  several  objec- 
tions which  occur  at  first  view,  to  this  plan:  still  as  it  may  lead  to 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       33 

something  towards  the  business  with  Algiers  I  thought  it  my  duty  to 
communicate  it.  This  person's  long  residence  at  Constantinople  and 
at  Algiers  gives  him  an  opportunity  of  being  fully  acquainted  with  the 
relations  which  subsist  between  those  two  countries.  He  says  there  are 
several  instances  where  the  Regency  has  not  complied  with  the  requisi- 
tions of  the  Porte;  but  that  they  are  cases  where  the  Porte  makes 
requisitions  for  form  sake,  and  where  a  private  agreement  takes  place 
for  exempting  the  Regency  from  obedience — He  affirms  that  the  Re- 
gency never  disobeys  the  decided  will  of  the  Porte — It  is  from  thence 
he  concludes  that  the  United  States  should  make  use  of  the  Porte  in 
order  to  effect  their  peace.  The  Turkish  interest  being  more  exposed 
to  the  attacks  of  the  United  States  than  that  of  Algiers,  is  an  additional 
motive,  as  it  is  interest  alone  which  will  weigh  with  them. 

It  has  been  said  in  the  national  assembly  lately  that  the  last  peace 
with  Algiers  cost  France  1400,000  1.  instead  of  800,000  1.  as  I  men- 
tioned in  a  former  letter.  I  have  been  since  assured  that  the  addi- 
tional 600,000  1.  were  occasioned  by  the  after  charges  and  unexpected 
exactions  of  the  Regency.  You  will  remember  they  did  the  same  with 
respect  to  Spain.  It  is  apprehended  that  some  unauthorized  violence 
lately  offered  by  the  inhabitants  of  the  French  coast  of  the  Medi-^ 
terranean  to  a  number  of  Algerines,  will  force  France  to  renew  the 
humiliation  and  expences  of  another  treaty. 

You  express  a  wish  that  I  should  be  able  to  obtain  the  free  intro- 
duction of  our  salted  provisions  into  France. — My  letters  will  have 
shewn  that  I  have  not  lost  sight  of  this  important  subject. — and  in  my 
No.  33.  I  inclosed  you  a  letter  which  Mr.  Lambert  the  Comptroller 
general  had  written  me  relative  to  it.  Mr.  Necker  has  since  told  me 
he  would  give  orders  for  a  contract  for  a  small  supply  merely  as  an 
experiment.  He  wished  me  to  recommend  some  American  merchant 
for  this  purpose.  I  knew  of  none  except  Parker  who  is  in  London, 
and  I  have  written  to  him  on  the  subject,  but  do  not  know  whether  he 
will  give  himself  the  trouble  for  a  small  contract.  Mr.  Necker  doubts 
much  whether  the  people  of  Paris  will  be  brought  to  make  use  of  salted 
provisions  at  any  price  however  moderate,  for  some  time  to  come.  The 
only  duties  to  which  salted  provisions  from  America  are  subjected  as 
you  will  have  seen  by  Mr.  Lambert's  letter,  are  those  which  are  paid 
on  French  provisions  passing  from  one  part  of  France  to  another.  I 
have  no  doubt  that  even  those  duties  will  be  taken  off  as  soon  as  the 
new  regulations  of  commerce  take  place — At  present  however  the 
ministry  cannot  take  it  on  themselves,  and  in  fact  do  nothing  of  the 
kind.  It  shall  however  be  fully  attended  to;  and  the  exception  as  to 
tonnage  not  forgotten,  as  soon  as  I  shall  know  that  it  has  passed. 


34      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

I  communicated  to  Mr.  Necker  the  Resolve  which  you  inclosed 
me  in  a  former  letter.  He  received  with  pleasure  that  proof  of  the  at- 
tention of  Congress  to  their  foreign  engagements.  He  is  very  anxious 
to  know  their  decision  relative  to  the  loan  lately  made  at  Amsterdam. 
I  still  think  as  formerly  that  a  person  properly  authorized  by  Congress 
might  make  that  loan  the  basis  of  others  so  as  to  effect  on  advan- 
tageous and  sure  terms  such  as  they  will  judge  proper  probably  to 
have  made  for  the  discharge  of  their  debts  due  this  country,  and  which 
it  is  so  essential  to  attend  to  without  delay,  from  a  variety  of  con- 
siderations. 

The  subject  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans's  return  was  brought  before 
the  assembly  yesterday  by  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  his  Chancellor  to 
be  communicated  to  them.  He  said  that  he  was  preparing  to  leave 
London  when  the  Ambassador  of  France  called  on  him  with  an  aide 
de  camp  of  M.  de  la  fayette,  who  told  him  that  the  general  conjured 
him  not  to  return  to  Paris.  He  wished  the  national  assembly  to  be  con- 
sulted and  added  that  if  they  declared  qu'il  riy  avoit  point  lieu  a  de- 
liber  er,  he  should  consider  it  as  a  permission  to  return.  M.  de  la 
fayette  in  answer  to  this  letter  observed  to  the  assembly  that  he  had 
informed  the  Duke  of  Orleans  that  the  reasons  for  his  absenting  him- 
self still  continued.  He  took  that  oppo.  however  of  assuring  the  assem- 
bly that  the  more  the  I4th.  approached  the  less  grounds  he  saw  for  the 
alarms  which  were  circulated  as  to  the  event  of  that  day. 

The  assembly  proceeded  to  the  order  of  the  day  without  taking  the 
letter  into  consideration,  but  at  the  same  time  avoiding  the  expression 
qu'il  n'y  avoit  pas  lieu  a  deliberer. — It  is  therefore  still  uncertain 
whether  the  Duke  will  return.  The  King  has  written  to  him  also  to 
engage  him  to  defer  it  for  the  present.— In  the  mean  time  he  has  pub- 
lished what  he  calls  an  '  expose  de  sa  conduite  dans  la  revolution  de 
France.' — this  was  probably  intended  as  his  precursor,  it  is  a  narra- 
tive of  facts  known  to  every  body — and  neither  proves  or  disproves  any 
thing. 

The  deputies  are  arriving  from  all  parts  of  France  for  the  I4th. 
besides  those  who  are  deputed  a  great  number  of  others  come  as  spec- 
tators— it  began  to  be  feared  that  the  works  of  the  Champ  de  Mars 
would  not  be  finished  in  time — some  volunteers  went  to  assist  the  work- 
men employed — this  spread  like  a  flame  through  Paris  and  people  of 
both  sexes  and  all  ranks  and  descriptions  flock  there  to  work — this 
carries  others  as  spectators  so  that  the  Champ  de  Mars  is  every  day  so 
crowded  as  scarcely  to  leave  room  for  the  carting  of  the  earth  and 
other  operations  of  the  sort  which  are  going  on  there.  Many  legs  and 
arms  have  already  been  broken  in  the  confusion — these  crowds  going 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       35 

and  returning  give  the  streets  of  Paris  the  appearance  they  had  last 
year  as  to  numbers — but  very  different  as  to  humour — as  yet  they  are 
all  gaiety.  Still  it  is  impossible  to  say  what  impulsion  they  may  take, 
if  they  are  to  be  acted  on  as  is  suspected  by  foreign  gold. — The  en- 
thusiasm has  extended  beyond  the  limits  of  Paris,  at  this  instant  large 
numbers  of  peasantry  from  the  neighbouring  villages  are  formed  in  a 
line  of  march  which  extends  from  the  new  grille  to  a  considerable  dis- 
tance beyond  M.  de  Richelieu's,  and  are  going  to  work  at  the  Champ 
de  Mars. 

The  committee  of  constitution  are  preparing  a  decree  by  the  direc- 
tion of  the  assembly,  in  order  to  explain  that  of  the  igth.  They  propose 
to  allow  every  person  to  retain  the  name  he  is  accustomed  to — the  titles 
however  to  be  abolished,  i.  e. — all  public  acts  where  they  are  used  to 
be  void. — some  other  alterations  also  will  be  made  as  to  the  article 
concerning  liveries  and  coats  of  arms.  One  of  the  members  of  the 
assembly,  the  Baron  de  Menou,  proposed  some  time  ago  that  all  orders 
should  be  abolished,  such  as  cordons  bleus — rouge  etc. — the  order  of 
the  day  however  was  brought  on  without  the  motion  being  then  taken 
up.  Still  one  of  the  leading  members  of  the  committee  of  constitution  is 
for  rendering  it  a  constitutional  decree — should  it  be  proposed  by  that 
committee,  which  however  is  not  certain,  it  will  unquestionably  pass. 

Some  time  ago  one  of  the  members  of  the  assembly  was  arrested 
by  the  orders  of  a  municipality  on  suspicion  of  trying  to  debauch  a  regi- 
ment.— the  question  of  inviolability  being  taken  up  on  account  of  this 
affair,  it  was  decreed  that  it  extended  even  to  criminal  cases — that  is, 
that  no  member  should  be  arrested  unless  the  accusation  were  pre- 
viously laid  before  the  assembly,  who  should  decide  whether  there  were 
grounds  for  arrest. — to-day  a  creditor  of  one  of  their  members  has 
written  to  them  that  he  has  obtained  judgment,  and  desired  to  know  if 
he  was  authorized  to  proceed  to  arrest  him — it  was  decided  that  he 
could — thus  the  inviolability  of  the  members  is  for  criminal  and  not 
for  civil  cases. — these  contradictions  must  necessarily  arise  so  long  as 
the  assembly  proceed  as  at  present  in  passing  laws  on  a  single  reading. 

A  letter  has  just  arrived  here  from  Bilbao  written  by  a  well  known 
merchant,  which  says  the  Spanish  Ministry  had  sent  to  inform  them 
there  that  an  arrangement  had  taken  place  with  England — in  conse- 
quence of  which  all  vessels  might  follow  their  destination  with  safety. 
M.  Bourgoin[g]  tells  me  that  he  knows  the  writer  of  the  letter  and  is 
persuaded  of  its  veracity.  He  has  no  doubt  that  arrangements  are 
made  for  continuing  the  peace  between  Spain  and  England.  He  re- 
mains however,  and  so  does  M.  Montmorin,  astonished  that  the  first  in- 
telligence should  come  by  a  private  and  circuitous  chanel.  there  is  no 


36      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

doubt  that  the  terms  of  accommodation  must  be  disadvantageous  to 
Spain.  More  certain  intelligence  is  hourly  expected.  The  last  ac- 
counts of  the  British  fleet  are  that  it  was  still  at  Torbay — their  destina- 
tion therefore  still  as  uncertain  as  when  they  left  port. — You  will  no 
doubt  have  learned  that  several  American  sailors  were  impressed  in 
London,  and  that  they  were  rescued  by  the  zealous  exertions  and  ac- 
tivity of  Mr.  Cutting.  Since  then  one  other  has  been  impressed  whom 
Mr.  Cutting  has  been  unable  to  get  released.  He  is  on  board  of  the  fleet 
and  will  probably  be  forced  to  serve  so  long  as  they  have  any  occasion 
for  him.  You  will  certainly  have  received  from  Mr.  Cutting  the  par- 
ticulars of  this  affair  which  seems  to  deserve  the  earliest  attention  of 
Congress,  and  points  out  the  necessity  of  some  arrangement  being 
made  for  preventing  such  cases  in  future. 

I  omitted  mentioning  above  that  the  number  of  our  prisoners  at 
Algiers  is  now  reduced  to  fourteen — a  Scotch  boy  who  was  among  them 
having  been  redeemed  by  the  intervention  of  the  English  Consul — the 
price  was  somewhat  more  than  7000  1.  but  additional  and  unavoid- 
able expences  raised  it  on  the  whole  to  about  8000  1.  The  person  of 
whom  I  spoke  in  the  beginning  of  this  letter,  told  me  that  he  thought 
the  remaining  captives  might  be  redeemed  at  the  same  price  for  the 
common  sailors  and  about  12,000  1.  for  each  of  the  Captains.  He 
added  that  the  Spanish  Consul  was  at  present  in  the  greatest  favor  with 
the  Regency,  and  would  be  the  most  proper  person  for  being  charged 
with  such  a  commission.  The  same  person  told  me  that  he  had  under- 
stood the  present  Emperor  of  Morocco  had  begun  his  reign  by  shewing 
dispositions  to  observe  the  treaties  made  by  his  predecessor.  He 
thought  it  probable  that  ours  would  be  continued.  In  general  how- 
ever I  have  understood  that  we  should  be  obliged  to  renew  it.  this  is 
the  opinion  also  of  Carmichael,  from  whom  you  will  certainly  first  learn 
the  result. — I  mention  to  you  in  the  case  of  his  letters  being  longer  on 
their  way,  that  he  has  received  your  dispatches  of  the  nth.  of  April, 
and  been  presented  in  consequence  of  the  new  letter  of  credence. 

I  beg  you  to  be  assured  of  the  sentiments  of  respect  and  attach- 
ment with  which  I  am, 

Dear  Sir 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant 

W[ILLIAM]  SHORT. 

P.  S.  The  Leyden  gazettes  will  be  inclosed  in  this  letter — The 
journals  of  the  assembly  and  other  papers  shall  be  forwarded  to  Havre 
by  the  diligence  to  be  sent  by  the  first  vessel  sailing  for  New- York. 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       37 

V.    JOHN  JAY  TO  EDMUND  RANDOLPH. 

(Despatches,  England,  Volume  i.) 
private  LONDON  13  Septr.  1794 

Sir 

I  have  had  the  pleasure  of  receiving  your  Letter  by  Mr  Fisher. 
He  called  when  I  was  from  Home.  Then  and  directly  afterwards,  I 
was  so  engaged  in  public  Business,  as  that  I  could  not  return  his  visit 
immediately.  The  moment  I  could  find  Liesure  for  the  purpose,  I 
called  with  Col.  Trumbull  at  his  Lodgings ;  and  was  mortified  to  learn 
that  he  had  just  gone  to  Liverpool.  I  hope  on  his  Return  to  see  him, 
and  then  to  have  an  opportunity  of  shewing  him  those  Civilities  and 
attentions  which  I  shall  always  think  due  to  your  Recommendations. 

In  my  public  Letter  to  you  by  this  opportunity,  I  thought  it  most 
delicate  to  omit  mentioning  that  your  Letter  by  Mr.  Munro,  and  his 
Speech  to  the  Convention  are  regarded  here  as  not  being  consistant  with 
the  neutral  situation  of  the  U.  S.  an  uneasy  sensation  has  thereby  been 
made  here  in  the  public  mind,  and  probably  in  that  of  the  Cabinet.  It 
is  not  pleasant  for  me  to  say  these  things,  but  so  is  the  fact,  and  it  is 
proper  that  you  should  know  it. 

I  enclose  two  pamphlets.  How  far  the  Ideas  they  convey  may  be 
useful  in  our  Country  I  cannot  say. 

With  the  best  Wishes  for  your  Health  and  Happiness 
I  am  Sir  your  most  obt.  Hble  servt. 

JOHN  JAY. 
The  Honl.  Edm.  Randolph  Esqr. 


VI.    JOHN  Q.ADAMS  TO  THE  SECRETARY  OF  STATE  [JOHN  MARSHALL]. 
(Despatches,  Germany,  Special  Volume,  Despatch  No.  182.) 

BERLIN  21  February  1801. 
Sir 

In  addition  to  the  papers,  which  I  had  the  honour  of  sending  you 
with  my  last  letter,  I  now  enclose  a  translation  of  the  ordinance  an- 
nexed to  the  Convention  for  an  armed  neutrality,  and  referred  to  in 
its  third  Article. 

It  is  yet  possible  that  England  may  discover  some  means  of  avoid- 
ing the  issue  of  a  War  with  almost  all  Europe,  on  this  occasion ;  but  I 
know  not  by  what  other  expedient  than  that  of  conforming  herself  to 
the  principles  prescribed  by  the  Northern  powers. 


38      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

But  if  she  should  persist  in  her  refusal  to  recognize  them,  a  war 
will  inevitably  be  the  consequence,  and  as  there  is  some  reason  to  ap- 
prehend that  endeavours  will  be  made  on  the  part  of  the  coalition  to 
draw  the  United  States  into  it,  I  take  the  liberty  of  stating  to  you  as 
briefly  as  possible  the  considerations  upon  which  it  appears  to  me  that 
it  would  be  neither  just  nor  expedient  for  us  to  take  any  part  in  this 
quarrel. 

It  would  not  be  just,  because  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
have  long  since  declared  their  opinion  that  by  the  law  of  Nations,  in- 
dependent of  the  stipulations  of  Treaties,  an  enemy's  cargo  cannot  be 
protected  by  a  neutral  bottom ;  and  though  always  desirous  to  establish 
the  contrary  by  voluntary  agreement,  they  have  ever  disavow'd  all  pre- 
tence of  a  right  to  force  its  adoption  upon  other  powers;  and  by  the 
positive  engagement  of  a  Treaty  are  bound  to  acquiesce  in  the  practice 
of  the  rule  as  it  originally  stood.  It  is  true  that  Sweden  and  Denmark 
are  expressly  bound  by  the  stipulations  of  their  Treaties  with  England, 
in  the  same  manner,  nor  do  I  know  upon  what  grounds  those  powers 
can  reconcile  their  antient  with  their  modern  stipulations.  But  even 
if  the  question  was  considered  as  doubtful;  the  fundamental  principle 
of  this  league  seems  unjust ;  it  has  itself  the  radical  defect  against  which 
it  professes  to  contend.  It  assumes  a  right  of  legislation  upon  the  sea. 
It  is  an  enactment  ex  parte,  by  two  nations,  of  laws  upon  objects  of 
common  concern  to  all,  with  a  declaration  that  if  other  nations  will 
not  submit  to  them  peaceably  they  shall  be  forced  upon  them  at  the 
mouth  of  the  cannon.  It  is  impossible  to  assume  the  supremacy  of 
the  seas  more  plainly  and  arrogantly  than  this.  The  inconsistency  of 
the  league  with  the  liberty  which  it  professes  to  support,  is  striking 
in  the  very  expression  of  the  third  article — The  two  sovereigns  say, 
that  to  prevent  the  liberty  of  trade  and  navigation,  and  neutral  rights 
from  depending  upon  arbitrary  construction,  dictated  by  a  partial  and 
momentary  interest,  they  understand  and  will  (what  else  is  that  but 
arbitrary  construction?)  that  in  time  of  war,  all  neutral  ships,  shall 
neutralize  all  the  property  on  board  except  a  specific  list  of  contra- 
band.— It  is  well  known  that  this  idea  of  being  the  legislatrix  of  the 
ocean,  and  giving  the  world  a  code  of  naval  laws  was  the  lure  of  flat- 
tery by  which  the  empress  Catherine  was  first  drawn  into  the  original 
armed  neutrality,  the  nature  and  tendency  of  which  she  so  little  under- 
stood, that  she  thought  it  pointed  against  Spain,  and  much  to  the  ad- 
vantage of  England. 

In  expressing  thus  unequivocally  my  opinion  that  this  league  is 
not  founded  upon  a  basis  of  justice,  I  beg  not  to  be  understood  as  ap- 
proving the  practices  towards  neutrals  of  the  british  navy,  or  all  the 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       39 

principles  avowed  by  the  british  admiralty  courts.  There  is  too  much 
reason  for  the  complaints  of  neutral  powers  against  these,  and  I  should 
consider  a  real  armed  neutrality,  a  concert  of  neutral  powers  to  main- 
tain if  necessary  by  force  their  common  rights  against  violation,  as 
perfectly  justifiable,  as  a  desirable  object.  Had  this  new  league  even 
been  such  as  the  newspapers  in  Holland  and  Germany  have  represented 
it — had  it  left  the  litigious  belligerent  and  neutral  claims  respecting  the 
character  of  a  ship  and  her  cargo,  to  be  stipulated  by  Treaty,  engaging 
at  the  same  time  to  conclude  no  Treaty  for  the  future  with  any  power 
which  should  refuse  to  recognize  the  predominance  of  the  neutral  right, 
no  objection  of  injustice  could  have  been  made  against  it.  I  have  often 
avowed  the  hope  that  some  such  concert  might  take  place;  but  there 
appears  less  chance  for  it  now  than  ever. 

To  those  who  think  that  any  measure  on  the  part  of  a  nation  can 
be  expedient,  which  is  at  the  same  time  unjust,  it  may  be  much  more 
questionable  what  the  conduct  of  the  United  States  on  this  occasion 
should  be.  While  Britain  is  at  War  with  all  Europe,  it  is  probable  to 
say  the  least  that  she  will  sink  under  the  contest.  To  join  in  the  num- 
ber of  her  enemies  may  be  considered  as  advisable  to  avoid  their  resent- 
ment, and  to  share  in  her  spoils.  By  joining  them  we  should  make  the 
common  triumph  more  certain,  and  we  should  establish  forever  the 
most  liberal  principles  for  the  benefit  of  neutral  navigation.  We  should 
obtain  satisfaction  for  the  long  complaints  of  our  commerce,  and 
security  against  the  repetition  of  such  abuses  for  the  future.  Some*  of 
these  motives,  perhaps  no  one  would  avow,  yet  if  the  consideration  of 
justice  is  to  be  set  aside  they  are  the  strongest  that  can  be  urged.  But 
the  triumph  of  the  coalition,  even  if  we  should  join  it  is  very  far  from 
being  certain — Should  it  be  obtained,  it  would  only  be  after  a  struggle 
in  which  all  the  powers  concerned  in  the  league  who  have  any  con- 
siderable interest  in  the  principles  of  maritime  law,  would  have  sacri- 
ficed more  of  blood  and  treasure  than  centuries  of  undisturbed  enjoy- 
ment of  their  principles  could  repair.  England  has  the  advantage 
of  standing  alone,  and  of  having  her  forces  applied  by  a  single  interest ; 
of  contending  upon  her  own  element,  and  in  a  defensive  cause.  Her 
enemies  are  divided  in  interests — The  only  two  formidable  powers  of 
the  league, entered  it  for  the  purpose  of  securing  objects  entirely  distinct 
from  the  rights  of  navigation — Should  they  succeed  in  obtaining  their 
real  purposes  they  will  very  soon  abandon  the  pretexts ;  when  once  they 

*  From  here  the  writing  is  done  with  a  different  pen,  and  apparently  on  a 
different  day,  after  Adams  had  had  time  to  think  over  the  conclusions  he  had 
already  set  forth. 


40     DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE 
have  secured  their  own  interest*  they  will  drop  one  hy  one  from  the 

I,  .,.-..,-.  .in. I  Ir.ur  thru  Irrhlr  .ill..  In  1  >r  llir  \uhnr.  nl  (lie  rontrst, 
Minnhl  \\\r\  fail,  thrv  \\ill  In-  -.1,11  iv.ul.n  f,.  |,.iv.,Kr  .ui  imvnrrrsslnl 

cause— The  experience  of  the  last  ten  yean  has  abundantly  proved  that 
success  and  defeat  are  alike  efficacious  in  dissolving  enormous  coalitions 

..r.u.r.l  ..  Mtu-.lr  ;-.,.,(  p,M\n         I  Inr.  piol.aMr  .»•-  il  m.i\    In-  lli.it   I'nH.m.l 

will  be  ruined  by  this  War,  the  probability  is  much  greater  that  the 
inferior  maritime  states  leagued  against  her  will  meet  the  same  Eafett 
As  a  mere  question  of  choice  between  two  evils,  if  we  must  choose 
between  the  resentments  of  the  whole  coalition  and  a  War  with  Eng- 

lan.l.   wr   vhoul.l   pi..h..h!\    irrr.yr   thr   ;;ir.ilrv|    .lamai'.r    hom   thr   List 

I  am  likewise  convinced  that  a  fix'd  resolution  to  persevere  through 
thin  new  contest  in  that  neutrality  which  was  established  as  our  true 
system  of  policy  at  the  commencement  of  the  maritime  War,  will  carry 

nv    tlnoiu-.li    .ill    lit.-    mronvctilenCeS,    onl.aiavvmrnN    an,l    vexations    to 

which  the  coolness  or  even  the  resentment  of  the  coalition  may  sub- 
ject us. 

In  Ihr  (Jovctntnrnl  ol  thr  r.nlr.l  Stairs.   I   am  prrsna<lo1  thai  thr. 

last  of  these  considerations  will  be  unnecessary—They  will  enquire 

onlv  wlul  romlnrl  thr  ti.»lu>tu»l  IUMI.MU  ami  tlit;nil  \ .  thr  la\\  s  ot  u.Ut.Mi'; 
ait.l  Ihr  rnK.,KrturnK  ol  l',r.iHrs  tin  I.Ur.  an.l  In  tlu-sr  thrv  will  faith- 
hilly  .ulhr.r  I'.nl  t,.  riiMiir  Ihr  irsprrt  ,>l  holh  pattirs.  llns  ^vstriu 
inu-.l  hr  Mipp,.ilr»l  l»\  .1  irsprrlahlr  naval  tmvr;  aiul  a  lot  rr  \\hirh  in 
r.r.r  ol  \\.it  uonUl  hr  sr.nrrlv  hrdrt  than  nonr  .it  all.  \\ill  amply  suthrr 
lot  thr  Mippoit  o!  nrnhahlv. 

I  am  most  respectfully,  Sir,  your  very  humble  and  obedt  Strvt. 

JOHN  Q»  ADAMS. 

P.  S— The  reports  of  Peace  between  France  and  Austria  noticed 
in  ail  my  late  letters  were  erroneous.  It  is  now  given  out  for  certain 
that  the  peace  was  signed  on  the  9th  t  It  is  both  with  the  Empcrr 
the  Empire,  So  I  am  informed,  though  this  is  not  so  certain,  a 

it  P.  Inmlrnvomr.  as  tin          '      r\p<vtni.  to  thr  h.Mi^r  ot    Anstna. 
Thr  Srrtrt.uy  ol  Stair 

VII.    JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  TO  JAMBS  MONROR, 

.P.      ;•:•..::.          K'  ..>.     Yoh.tUr     ,'.    iVvprtt.'h     N.V     1O>    > 

Thr  So.rl.nv    ol    M.dr  ol    Ihr   I    ,utr,l   Sl.itrv 

Si     l'i  11  K'.IU-KU  ;  1-Vhinaiy  iSi  -v 

\M 

1  havr  ro.U.unrJ  HI  Ihr  I'M. .iris  tioni  thr  u.i.-rlu   -  i»  ;;nr  N  on  thr 

substance  of  all  the  official  Bulletins  published  here  relating  to  the 

nuht.iM     opciations    ot    llir    \\  at     hrlwrrti    KIISM.I    .nul    1-ianrr        Thr 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.      41 

Catastrophe  of  the  French  armies  has  Seen  more  complete  than  the 
imagination  of  the  most  sanguine  of  their  Enemies  ever  anticipated,  and 
as  terrible  as  the  most  inveterate  could  have  desired.  Their  losses  by 
the  most  moderate  computations  exceed  three  hundred  thousand  men. 

The  Emperor  Napoleon  personally  succeeded  in  making  his  escape, 
and  travelling  with  equal  secrecy  and  rapidity,  without  guards,  without 
attendants,  accompanied  only  by  the  Duke  of  Vicence,  and  passing 
under  his  lumu*  readied  Paris  late  at  Night  on  the  i8th.  Deer.  The 
next  day  he  received  upon  his  Throne  addresses  from  the  Senate  and 
Council  of  State,  addresses  which  together  with  his  answers  to  them 
have  been  published.  During  his  absence,  and  while  he  was  yet  in  the 
Career  of  victory,  a  formidable  conspiracy  against  his  Government  had 
been  defeated  only  by  a  premature  attempt  to  accomplish  its  object. 
When  the  disasters  of  his  armies  had  become  too  great  to  admit  of 
concealment,  they  were  partially  acknowledged  in  a  Bulletin  which  was 
published  just  before  his  arrival  at  Paris,  and  which  produced  symp- 
toms of  popular  fermentation  threatening  the  stability  of  his  authority. 
The  project  of  restoring  the  throne  of  France  to  the  House  of  Bourbon 
is  again  strenuously  urged  in  the  English  Ministerial  papers;  that  of 
reducing  France  to  its  antient  limits  as  when  governed  by  the  Bourbons, 
though  less  distinctly  avowed,  is  inseperably  connected  with  it.  They 
are  both  naturally  favoured  here,  and  certainly  at  no  period  since  the 
umtim-m-ement  of  the  French  Revolution  have  the  Circumstances  of  the 
times  given  greater  appearance  of  plausibility  to  the  design. 

The  War  in  its  progress  has  been  extremely  destructive  and  dis- 
tressing to  Russia,  but  its  result  has  been  not  only  to  deliver  her  en- 
tirely from  that  terror  of  the  French  Power,  which  had  spread  itself 
so  universally  over  the  whole  Continent  of  Europe,  but  to  place  in  the 
hands  of  Russia  herself  that  predominant  influence  which  France  had 
been  ao  long  and  so  perseveringly  striving  to  establish.  It  is  scarcely 
potaible  but  that  henceforth  Russia  should  be  the  arbitress  of  Europe 
by  Land.  Her  loss  of  Human  lives  in  this  dreadful  struggle  has  prob- 
ably been  greater  than  that  of  France.  Her  loss  of  property  has  cer- 
tainly been  more  considerable.  But  her  losses  have  not  been  in  the 
sinews  of  her  strength.  Those  of  France  have  been  in  the  vitals  of 
her  military  power.  The  spell  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon's  name  is  not 
yet  totally  dissolved.  His  friends  yet  cherish  a  vague  and  general  hope, 
and  his  Ktu-nm-s  tVcl  an  involuntary  fear  that  his  transcendant  Genius 
(so  they  term  it)  will  yet  burst  forth,  chain  down  Fortune  at  his  feet, 
and  range  the  world  again,  conquering  and  to  conquer.  I  see  no  sub- 
stantial ground  for  such  a  hope  or  such  a  fear.  The  highest  proba- 


42       DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

I 

bilities  now  are  that  his  fall  will  be  as  great  as  his  elevation  has  been 
extraordinary,  and  with  regard  to  his  Genius,  if  it  ever  surpassed  that 
of  other  great  Generals  and  Statesmen,  it  has  most  assuredly  deserted 
him  in  the  undertaking,  and  in  the  execution  of  the  Russian  War.  That 
it  was  lightly,  wantonly — unjustly  undertaken  I  have  the  most  thorough 
conviction  from  an  attentive  and  impartial  observation  of  its  rise  and 
progress,  of  which  my  communications  from  this  place  to  your  Depart- 
ment during  that  whole  period  contain  the  result.  That  in  its  execu- 
tion the  most  flagrant  and  egregious  blunders  or  imprudences,  con- 
tinually insulted  the  indulgence  of  Fortune,  and  produced  his  final 
overthrow,  is  equally  clear  and  far  more  notorious.  The  Genius,  that 
suffer'd  the  most  inveterate  of  Russia's  Enemy's,  the  Ottoman  Porte,  to 
conclude  a  disadvantageous  Peace  with  her  at  the  very  moment  when 
he  was  invading  Poland,  released  Admiral  TchichagofFs  army  to 
force  his  right  wing  and  close  upon  his  rear  on  one  side.  The  Genius 
that  drove  Sweden,  under  one  of  his  own  Generals,  into  the  arms  of 
Russia,  released  another  army  from  Inraborg*  and  the  Finland  fron- 
tier, with  which  Wittgenstein  forced  his  left  Wing  at  Polotsk,  and 
closed  upon  his  rear  on  the  other  side.  The  Genius  which  rushed 
headlong  on  to  Moscow  in  September  without  foreseeing  or  preparing 
for  the  possible  necessity  of  retreat,  in  Winter,  and  the  Genius,  which 
found  ice  and  frost  premature,  in  November,  under  Polish  and  Russian 
skies,  is  not  that  sort  of  Genius  which  by  the  steadiness  of  its  judg- 
ment, and  the  immensity  of  its  resources  redeems  from  such  over- 
whelming ruin  as  that  in  which  he  by  such  errors  as  these  involved  his 
whole  Army.  That  he  may  still  maintain  his  authority  in  France  it 
would  be  presumptous  to  deny.  That  he  may  again  collect  armies  and 
win  battles  is  altogether  possible,  and  by  errors  not  unlike  his  own 
may  be  rendered  hereafter  even  probable.  But  in  the  general  tenour 
of  human  history,  when  Fortune  has  once  turned  her  back  upon  those 
to  whom  she  has  been  most  lavish  of  her  favours,  she  never  takes  them 
to  her  arms  again.  A  Cast  off  favourite  must  look  for  any  thing  but 
kindness. 

In  the  annihilation  of  that  immense  host,  which  but  half  a  year 
since,  burst  upon  the  Russian  Empire,  Providence  has  certainly  re- 
served the  greatest  and  most  essential  agency  to  itself.  But  in  the  con- 
duct of  the  Sovereign,  of  the  Nobility,  of  the  Citizens,  of  the  Peasantry 
and  of  the  Army  of  this  Nation  under  the  heavy  trial  which  they  have 
been  called  to  endure,  it  would  be  the  highest  injustice  to  deny  that 
there  has  been  little  to  censure,  and  much  to  applaud  and  admire.  The 
*  So  in  the  clerical  copy,  but  Dinaburg  (Dunaburg)  is  probably  meant. 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       43 

Spirit  of  Patriotism  has  burnt  with  the  purest  and  most  vivid  flame  in 
every  class  of  the  community.  The  exertions  of  the  Nation  have  been 
almost  unparralleld,  the  greatest  sacrifices  have  been  made  cheerfully 
and  spontaneously.  I  wrote  you  before  the  War  began  that  it  was 
anticipated  with  some  dejection  and  despondency.  But  from  the 
moment  it  began  scarcely  a  symptom  of  that  kind  has  ever  betrayed 
itself  among  any  class  of  the  Russian  People.  In  the  most  trying  ex- 
tremity they  have  been  calm  and  collected;  deeply  anxious,  but  uni- 
formly confident  and  sanguine  in  their  hopes  of  the  result. 

On  the  iQth.  of  December  the  Emperor  Alexander  left  this  City 
and  on  the  22d.  arrived  at  the  Head  Quarters  of  his  Army  at  Willna.* 
He  is  still  with  them,  and  there  is  no  present  expectation  of  his  return. 
The  Chancellor  Count  RomanzofT  has  not  yet  followed  him.     A  com- 
mercial Treaty  with  England  is  talked  of  among  the  Merchants,  but  is 
not  even  in  discussion  between  the  Governments. 
I  am  with  great  respect 
Sir, 
Your  very  humble  and  obedt.  Servt. 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

VIII.    JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  TO  JAMES  MONROE. 

(Despatches,  Russia,  Volume  2,  Despatch  No.  139.) 
The  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States. 
<-,.  GHENT  5.  September  1814 

On  the  25th.  ulto.  we  sent  into  the  British  Plenipotentiaries,  our 
answer  to  their  Note,  and  had  every  reason  to  expect  that  before  this 
day  the  negotiations  would  have  been  terminated.  Two  days  after- 
wards Mr  Bayard  was  explicitly  told  in  a  conversation  with  Mr.  Goul- 
burn  that  their  reply  would  be  sent  to  us  without  delay,  and  that  they 
should  have  no  occasion,  previous  to  sending  it,  for  any  further  refer- 
ence to  their  Government.  On  Wednesday  the  3ist:  Mr.  Baker  called 
upon  Mr  Gallatin,  with  an  apology  for  a  delay  of  a  very  few  days,  the 
British  Plenipotentiaries,  having  concluded  in  consideration  of  the 
great  importance  of  the  thing,  to  send  their  Note  to  England,  for  the 
approbation  of  their  Government  before  they  transmitted  it  to  us.  The 
next  morning  I  had  a  conversation  with  Mr  Goulburn,  which  convinced 
me  that  the  sole  object  of  this  reference  was  to  give  a  greater  appear- 
ance of  deliberation  and  solemnity  to  the  rupture. 

Some  of  the  particulars  of  this  Conversation,  render  it  in  my 
mind  sufficiently  interesting  for  the  substance  of  it  to  be  reported  to 
~*Vilna. 


44      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

you.  I  began  it  by  expressing  some  satisfaction  at  having  learnt  their 
reference  to  their  Government ;  as  it  tended  to  encourage  the  hope  that 
they  would  reconsider  some  part  of  their  proposals  to  the  United  States. 
He  did  not  think  it  probable — and  in  the  whole  tenor  of  his  discourse 
I  perceived  not  only  a  spirit  of  inflexible  adherence  to  the  terms  which 
we  have  rejected,  but  under  the  cover  of  a  personal  deportment  suffi- 
ciently courteous,  a  rancorous  animosity  against  America,  which  dis- 
closed that  there  was  nothing  like  Peace  at  the  heart. 

The  great  argument  to  which  he  continually  recurred,  in  support 
of  the  Indian  Boundary,  and  the  exclusive  military  possession  of  the 
Lakes  by  the  British  was  the  necessity  of  them  for  the  security  of 
Canada.  The  American  Government,  he  said  had  manifested  the  inten- 
tion and  the  determination  of  conquering  Canada.  "  And,  excepting 
you  (said  he)  I  believe  it  was  the  astonishment  of  the  whole  World, 
that  Canada  had  not  been  conquered  at  the  very  outset  of  the  War. 
Nothing  could  have  saved  it,  but  the  excellent  dispositions  and  military 
arrangements  of  the  Governor  who  commanded  there.  We  were  then 
not  prepared  for  an  attack  upon  that  Province  with  such  an  over- 
whelming force — But  now,  we  have  had  time  to  send  reinforcements, 
and  I  do  not  think  you  will  conquer  it.  In  order  however  to  guard 
against  the  same  thing  in  future  it  is  necessary  to  make  a  barrier 
against  the  American  settlements,  upon  which  neither  party  shall  be 
permitted  to  encroach.  The  Indians  are  but  a  secondary  object.  As 
the  allies  of  Great  Britain,  she  must  include  them  in  in  the  Peace,  as  in 
making  Peace,  with  other  Powers,  she  included  Portugal,  as  her  ally. 
But  when  the  boundary  is  once  defined  it  is  immaterial  whether  the 
Indians  are  upon  it  or  not.  Let  it  be  a  desart.  But  we  shall  know 
that  you  cannot  come  upon  us  to  attack  us,  without  crossing  it.  The 
stipulation  to  maintain  no  armed  force  on  the  Lakes,  is  for  the  same 
purpose — the  security  of  Canada.  I  can  see  nothing  dishonourable  or 
humiliating  in  it.  The  United  States  can  never  be  in  any  danger  of 
invasion  from  Canada.  The  disproportion  of  force  is  too  great.  But 
Canada  must  always  be  in  the  most  imminent  danger  of  invasion  from 
the  United- States,  unless  guarded  by  some  such  stipulations  as  are  now 
demanded.  It  can  be  nothing  to  the  United-States  to  agree  not  to  arm 
upon  the  Lakes ;  since  they  never  had  actually  done  it  before  the  pres- 
ent War.  Why  should  they  object  to  disarming  there,  where  they  had 
never  before  had  a  gun  floating  ?  " — I  answered  that  the  Conquest  of 
Canada  had  never  been  an  object  of  the  War,  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States.  It  has  been  invaded  by  us  in  Consequence  of  the  War,  as  they 
themselves  had  invaded  many  parts  of  the  United-States.  It  was  an 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       45 

effect  and  not  a  Cause  of  the  War.  I  thought  with  him  that  we  should 
not  now  conquer  it.  But  I  had  no  doubt  we  should,  and  that  at  no  very 
distant  period,  if  any  such  terms  as  they  now  required  should  ever  be 
submitted  to,  by  us.  The  American  Government  I  said,  never  had 
declared  the  intention  of  conquering  Canada.  He  referred  to  General 
Hull's  Proclamation.  I  answered  that  the  American  Government  was 
not  responsible  for  that.  It  was  no  uncommon  thing  for  commanding 
Officers  to  issue  proclamations  which  were  disavowed  by  their  Govern- 
ment, of  which  a  very  recent  example  had  occurr'd,  in  a  Proclamation 
of  Admiral  Cochrane.  He  said  that  the  American  Government  had  not 
disavowed  Hull's  proclamation,  and  that  the  British  Government  had 
not  disavowed  any  proclamation  of  Admiral  Cochrane's.  I  replied  that 
the  American  Government  had  never  been  called  upon  either  to  avow 
or  disavow  Hull's  Proclamation,  but  I  had  seen  in  a  printed  Statement 
of  the  debates  in  the  House  of  Commons,  that  Lord  Castlereagh  had 
been  called  upon  to  say  whether  Admiral  Cochrane's  Proclamation  had 
been  authorized  or  not,  and  had  answered  that  it  was  not.  He  said 
that  Lord  Castlereagh  had  been  asked  whether  a  Proclamation  of  Ad- 
miral Cochrane's,  encouraging  the  negroes  to  revolt, ^had  been  authorized 
by  the  government,  and  had  answered  in  the  negative ;  that  is,  that  no 
Proclamation,  encouraging  the  negroes  to  revolt  had  been  authorized. 
But  the  Proclamation  of  Admiral  Cochrane  referred  to,  gave  no  such 

encouragement :  there  was  not  a  word  about  negroes  in  it It  merely 

offered  employment  or  a  settlement  in  the  British  Colonies  to  such  per- 
sons as  might  be  disposed  to  leave  the  United-States — I  asked  him 
what  was  the  import  of  the  term  free,  used  in  the  Proclamation,  in  con- 
nection with  the  offer  of  settlements?  he  answered  the  question  with 
some  hesitation,  but  admitted  that  it  might  be  understood  as  having 
reference  to  slaves.  I  admitted  on  my  part  that  the  word  "  negroes," 
was  not  in  the  proclamation,  but  remarked  that  he  must  be  as  sensible, 
as  I  was,  that  it  could  have  reference  only  to  them.  That  certainly  no 
person  in  America  could  mistake  its  meaning.  It  was  unquestionably 
intended  for  the  negroes,  and  corresponded  sufficiently  with  the  prac- 
tice of  others  of  their  naval  officers.  It  was  known  that  some  of  them, 
under  similar  inducements,  had  taken  away  blacks,  who  had  after- 
wards been  sold  in  the  West-India  Islands — Upon  this  Mr:  Goulburn, 
with  an  evident  struggle  to  suppress  a  feeling  of  strong  irritation  said 
"  that  he  could  undertake  to  deny  in  the  most  unqualified  terms — The 
character  of  British  naval  Officers,  was  universally  known  .  .  .  their 
generosity  and  humanity  could  never  be  contested ;  and  besides,  that 
since  the  Act  of  Parliament  of  1811.  the  act  of  selling  any  man  for  a 


46      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

Slave,  unless  real  slaves,  from  one  British  Island  to  another,  was  felony 
without  benefit  of  Clergy."  I  replied  that  without  contesting  the  char- 
acter of  any  class  of  People  generally,  it  was  certain  there  would  be  in 
all  classes,  individuals  capable  of  committing  actions,  of  which  others 
would  be  ashamed.  That,  at  a  great  distance  from  the  eye  and  con- 
troul  of  the  Government,  acts  were  often  done  with  impunity,  which 
would  be  severely  punished,  nearer  home.  That  the  facts  I  had  stated 
to  him  were  among  the  objects  which  we  were  instructed  to  present  for 
Consideration,  if  the  Negotiation  should  proceed,  and  he  might  in  that 
case  find  it  more  susceptible  of  proof  than  he  was  aware — He  thought 
it  impossible ;  but  that  it  was  one  of  those  charges  against  their  officers, 
of  which  there  were  many,  originating  only  in  the  spirit  of  hostility, 
and  totally  destitute  of  foundation. 

With  respect  to  the  Indian  allies,  I  remarked  that  there  was  no 
analogy  between  them  and  the  case  of  Portugal.  The  Peace  would  of 
itself  include  all  the  Indians  included  within  the  British  limits ;  but  the 
stipulation  which  might  be  necessary  for  the  protection  of  Indians,  sit- 
uated within  the  Boundaries  of  the  United  States,  who  had  taken  the 
British  side  in  the  War,  was  rather  in  the  nature  of  an  amnesty  than 
of  a  provision  for  allies.  It  resembled  more  the  case  of  Subjects  who 
in  cases  of  invasion  took  part  with  the  invaders,  as  had  sometimes  hap- 
pened to  Great-Britain  in  Ireland.  He  insisted  that  the  Indians  must 
be  considered  as  Independent  Nations;  for  that  we  ourselves  made 
Treaties  with  them,  and  acknowledged  boundaries  of  their  Territories. 
I  said  that  wherever  they  would  form  settlements,  and  cultivate  Lands, 
their  possessions  were  undoubtedly  to  be  respected,  and  always  were 
respected  by  the  United-States.  That  some  of  them  had  become 
civilized  in  a  considerable  degree ;  the  Cherokees  for  example,  who  had 
permanent  habitations,  and  a  state  of  property  like  our  own.  But  the 
greater  part  of  the  Indians,  never  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  adopt 
this  mode  of  life.  Their  habits,  and  attachments,  and  prejudices,  were 
so  averse  to  any  settlement  that  they  could  not  reconcile  themselves; 
to  any  other  condition  than  that  of  wandering  hunters.  It  was  impos- 
sible for  such  People  ever  to  be  said  to  have  Possessions.  Their  only 
right  upon  Land  was  a  right  to  use  it  as  hunting  grounds ;  and  when 
those  Lands  where  they  hunted  became  necessary  or  convenient  for 
the  purposes  of  settlement,  the  system  adopted  by  the  United- States 
was,  by  amicable  arrangement  with  them  to  compensate  them  for  re- 
nouncing the  right  of  hunting  upon  them,  and  for  removing  to  remoter 
regions  better  suited  to  their  purposes  and  mode  of  life.  This  system 
of  the  United  States  was  an  improvement  upon  the  former  practice 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       47 

of  all  European  Nations,  including  the  British.  The  original  settlers 
of  New-England  had  set  the  first  example  of  this  liberality  towards  the 
Indians,  which  was  afterwards  followed  by  the  founder  of  Pennsyl- 
vania. Between  it,  and  taking  the  Lands  for  nothing,  or  exterminating 
the  Indians  who  had  used  them  there  was  no  alternative.  To  condemn 
vast  regions  of  territory  to  perpetual  barrenness  and  solitude,  that  a 
few  hundred  Savages  might  find  wild  beasts  to  hunt  upon  it  was  a 
species  of  game-law,  that  a  Nation  descended  from  Britons  would 
never  endure.  It  was  as  incompatible  with  the  moral  as  with  the 
physical  nature  of  things.  If  Great-Britain  meant  to  preclude  forever 
the  People  of  the  United- States  from  settling  and  cultivating  those 
Territories,  she  must  not  think  of  doing  it  by  a  Treaty.  She  must  for- 
mally undertake  and  accomplish  their  utter  extermination.  If  the 
government  of  the  United  States  should  ever  submit  to  such  a  stipula- 
tion, which  I  hoped  they  would  not,  all  its  force,  and  all  that  of  Britain 
combined  with  it,  would  not  suffice  to  carry  it  long  into  execution.  It 
was  opposing  a  feather  to  a  torrent.  The  Population  of  the  United 
States  in  1810  passed  seven  millions.  At  this  hour  it  undoubtedly 
passed  eight.  As  it  continued  to  increase  in  such  proportions,  was  it 
in  human  experience,  or  in  human  power,  to  check  its  progress  by  a 
bond  of  paper,  purporting  to  exclude  posterity  from  the  natural  means 
of  subsistence  which  they  would  derive  from  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  ? 
Such  a  Treaty  instead  of  closing  the  old  sources  of  dissension  would 
only  open  new  ones.  A  War  thus  finished  would  immediately  be  fol- 
lowed by  another,  and  Great-Britain  would  ultimately  find  that  she 
must  substitute  the  project  of  exterminating  the  whole  American  Peo- 
ple, to  that  of  opposing  against  them  her  Barrier  of  Savages.  The 
proposal  of  dooming  a  large  extent  of  lands,  naturally  fertile  to  be  for- 
ever desert,  by  compact,  would  be  a  violation  of  the  Laws  of  Nature 
and  of  Nations,  as  recognized  by  the  most  distinguished  Writers  on 
Public  Law.  It  would  be  an  outrage  upon  Providence;  which  gave 
the  earth  to  man  for  cultivation,  and  made  the  tillage  of  the  ground,  the 
condition  of  his  Nature  and  the  Law  of  his  existence.  ..."  What, 
(said  Mr  Goldburn)  [sic]  is  it  then  in  the  inevitable  nature  of  things, 
that  the  United-States  must  conquer  Canada  "?  .  .  .  "  No  "  .  .  .  "But 
what  security  then  can  Great-Britain  have  for  her  Possession  of  it "  ? 
..."  If  Great-Britain  does  not  think  a  liberal  and  amicable  course 
of  policy  towards  America  would  be  the  best  security,  as  it  certainly 
would,  she  must  rely  upon  her  general  strength,  upon  the  superiority 
of  her  power  in  other  parts  of  her  relations  with  America;  upon  the 
power  which  she  has  upon  another  element,  to  indemnify  herself  by 


48      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

sudden  impression  upon  American  interests,  more  defenceless  against 
her  superiority  than  Canada  against  ours,  and  in  their  amount  far  more 
valuable  than  Canada  ever  was  or  ever  will  be  " — He  said  that  Great- 
Britain  had  no  intention  to  carry  on  a  War,  either  of  extermination  or 
of  Conquest;  but  recurred  again  to  our  superior  force,  and  to  the 
necessity  of  providing  against  it.  He  added  that  in  Canada  they  never 
took  any  of  the  Indian  Lands,  and  even  the  Government  (meaning  the 
Provincial  Government)  was  prohibited  from  granting  them — That 
there  were  among  the  Indians,  very  civilized  People;  there  was  par- 
ticularly one  man  whom  he  knew,  Norton,  who  commanded  some  of 
the  Indians,  engaged  on  the  British  side  in  the  War,  and  who  was  a 
very  intelligent,  and  well-informed  man.  But  the  removing  of  the 
Indians  from  their  Lands  to  others,  was  one  of  the  very  things  of  which 
Great-Britain  complained — That  it  drove  them  over  into  their  Provinces 
and  made  them  annoy  and  encroach  upon  the  Indians  within  their 
limits — This  was  a  new  idea  to  me — I  told  him  I  had  never  heard  any 
complaint  of  that  kind  before:  and  I  supposed  that  a  remedy  for  it 
would  very  easily  be  found.  .  .  .  He  made  no  reply,  and  seemed  as 
if  in  the  pressure  for  an  argument  he  had  advanced  more  than  he  was 
inclined  to  maintain.  It  was  the  same,  with  regard  to  the  proposal  that 
we  should  keep  no  armed  force  on  or  near  the  Lakes  of  Canada.  He 
did  not  admit  that  there  was  any  thing  humiliating  to  the  United  States ; 
or  unusual  in  it ;  but  he  evaded  repeatedly  answering  the  question  how 
he  or  the  English  Nation  would  feel  if  the  proposition  were  made  to 
them  of  binding  themselves  by  such  a  stipulation.  I  finally  said  that 
if  he  did  not  feel  that  there  was  any  thing  dishonourable  to  the  party 
submitting  to  such  terms,  it  was  not  a  subject  susceptible  of  argument. 
I  could  assure  him  that  we  and  our  Nation  would  feel  it  to  be  such. 
That  such  stipulations  were  indeed  often  extorted  from  the  weakness 
of  a  vanquished  enemy ;  but  they  were  always  felt  to  be  dishonourable, 
and  had  certainly  occasioned  more  Wars  than  they  had  ever  prevented — 
It  was  true  as  he  had  said.  The  United  States  had  never  prior  to  the 
War,  had  an  armed  naval  force  upon  the  Lakes.  I  thought  it  infinitely 
probable,  that  if  Great-Britain  had  said  nothing  upon  the  subject  in  this 
Negotiation,  the  United  States  would  not  have  retained  a  naval  force 
there  after  the  restoration  of  Peace — It  was  more  than  I  could  say, 
that  this  anxiety  manifested  by  Great-Britain  to  disarm  them,  would 
not  operate  as  a  warning  to  them  to  keep  a  competent  portion  of  the 
force  now  created,  even  during  Peace,  and  whether  his  Government  by 
advancing  the  proposal  to  dismantle,  will  not  eventually  fix  the  pur- 
pose of  the  United  States  to  remain  always  armed,  even  upon  the  Lakes. 
The  whole  of  this  Conversation,  was  on  both  sides  perfectly  cool 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       49 

and  temperate  in  the  manner ;  though  sometimes  very  earnest  on  mine, 
and  sometimes  with  a  hurry  of  reply  and  an  embarrassment  of  ex- 
pression, on  his,  indicating  an  effort  to  controul  the  disclosure  of  feel- 
ings under  strong  excitement.  The  most  remarkable  instance  of  this 
was  upon  the  intimation  from  me,  that  some  of  their  naval  Officers  had 
enticed  away  numbers  of  our  black  people,  who  had  afterwards  been 
sold  in  the  West-India  Islands. — I  stated  the  fact  on  the  authority  of 
your  Instructions  to  the  present  joint  mission  of  28  January  last,  and 
persisted  in  asserting  it,  on  the  assurance  that  there  is  proof  of  it,  in 
possession  of  the  Department  of  State.  In  the  present  state  of  public 
opinion  in  England,  respecting  the  traffic  in  slaves,  I  was  well  aware  of 
the  impression  which  the  mere  statement  would  make  upon  Mr  Goul- 

burn The  rupture  of  this  Negotiation  will  render  it  unnecessary  for 

us  to  possess  the  proof,  which  it  was  your  intention  at  the  date  of  your 
instructions  of  28  Jany :  to  furnish  us,  but  at  any  future  attempt  to 
treat  for  Peace,  it  will  be  important  to  produce  it,  and  I  would  even 
suggest  the  expediency  of  giving  as  much  publicity  as  possible  to  it,  in 
Europe,  while  the  War  continues. 

The  avowal  of  Admiral  Cochrane's  proclamation,  and  the  explana- 
tion of  Lord  Castlereagh's  disavowal  of  it  in  the  house  of  commons, 
were  remarkable  as  examples  of  the  kind  of  reasoning  to  which  the 
British  Government  is  willing  to  resort.  Whether  the  distinction  taken 
in  this  case  really  belonged  to  Lord  Castlereagh,  or  whether  erroneously 
ascribed  to  him  by  Mr  Goulburn,  I  cannot  say.  But  Mr.  Goulburn 
was  present  in  the  house  of  Commons,  when  the  debate  referred  to 
took  place. 

The  strongest  feature  in  the  general  complexion  of  his  discourse, 
was  the  inflexible  adherence  to  the  proposed  Indian  Boundary  line. 
But  the  pretext  upon  which  this  proposition  had  in  the  first  instance 
been  placed,  the  pacification  with  the  Indians,  and  their  future  security 
was  almost  abandoned — avowed  to  be  a  secondary  and  very  subordinate 
object — The  security  of  Canada  was  now  substituted  as  the  prominent 
motive.  But  the  great  and  real  one,  though  not  of  a  nature  ever  to  be 
acknowledged,  was  occasionally  discernable  through  all  its  veils.  This 
was  no  other  than  a  profound  and  rankling  Jealousy  at  the  rapid  in- 
crease of  population  and  of  settlements  in  the  United  States ;  an  impo- 
tent longing  to  thwart  their  progress  and  to  stunt  their  growth.  With 
this  temper  prevailing  in  the  British  Councils,  it  is  not  in  the  hour  of 
their  success  that  we  can  expect  to  obtain  a  peace  upon  equal  terms 
of  equal  justice  or  of  reciprocity. 

I  am,  with  great  Respect,  Sir,  your  very  humble  and  obedt :  Servt. 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

P.  S. — We  have  just  received  the  reply  to  our  Note. 


50      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

IX.    JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  TO  JAMES  MONROE. 

(Despatches,  Russia,  Volume  2,  Despatch  No.  140.) 
The  Secretary  of  State,  of  the  United  States. 

GHENT  10  October  1814. 
Sir. 

Since  the  departure  of  Mr  Dallas,  with  the  dispatches  of  the  joint 
mission,  by  the  John  Adams,  our  Conferences  with  the  British  Plenipo- 
tentiaries, have  been  suspended,  and  all  our  official  intercourse  with 
them  has  been  in  writing. 

A  copy  of  their  first  Note,  dated  19.  August,  was  forwarded  by 
Mr :  Dallas.  On  the  24th.  of  the  same  Month  we  answered  that  Note, 
rejecting  in  the  most  explicit  terms  the  proposed  definitive  Indian 
Boundary,  the  cession  of  Territory  to  Great-Britain,  and  the  demand 
of  a  stipulation  on  our  part  to  dismantle  the  fortifications  on  our  fron- 
tiers, and  to  maintain  no  naval  force  upon  the  Lakes. 

On  the  5th :  of  September  we  received  their  second  Note,  dated  the 
4th :  It  insisted  on  all  the  demands  made  in  the  first,  but  manifested  a 
disposition  to  modify  some  parts  of  them,  and  to  abandon  others — 
We  answered  it  on  the  Qth.  They  had  given  us  the  alternatives  of  con- 
tinuing the  Negotiation  upon  their  exposition  of  their  Views ;  of  break- 
ing it  off ;  or  of  referring  to  our  Government,  for  further  Instructions — 
You  will  recollect  however  that  in  their  first  Note  they  had  warned 
us,  that  if  we  should  refer  to  our  Government,  they  would  not  be 
bound  to  abide  by  their  present  offers,  but  would  vary  their  demands 
according  as  the  circumstances  of  the  War  might  warrant — Our  an- 
swer to  their  alternatives  was  that  we  desired  to  continue  the  Negotia- 
tion provided  they  would  abandon  the  demands  which  we  had  already 
rejected. 

Their  third  Note  was  dated  on  the  igth:  of  September,  and  re- 
ceived by  us  on  the  2Oth :  It  abandoned  the  definitive  Indian  Boundary 
as  a  Sine  qua  non,  but  expressed  an  intention  to  propose  a  temporary 
Boundary,  for  discussion — It  abandoned  apparently  the  demand  for  the 
exclusive  military  occupation  of  the  Lakes ;  but  announced  the  purpose 
of  making  a  proposal  on  this  subject  so  liberal  and  generous  that  they 
thought  it  could  not  be  refused.  But  they  presented  as  a  new  Sine  qua 
non  that  the  Indian  allies  of  Great-Britain  should  be  included  in  the 
pacification. 

Our  answer  was  delivered  to  them  on  the  26th :  of  September.  It 
proposed  an  Article,  in  the  Nature  of  an  Amnesty;  that  no  persons, 
whether  Citizens,  Subjects,  or  Indians  of  either  party,  should  be 
molested  or  annoyed,  in  person  or  property  for  any  part  taken  by  them 
in  the  War. 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       51 

On  Saturday  Evening  the  8th:  instant,  we  received  their  fourth 
Note,  enclosing  a  proposed  Article  as  their  ultimatum.  It  provides 
that  on  the  Ratification  of  the  Peace,  all  hostilities  against  the  Indian 
Tribes  or  Nations  engaged  in  the  War  shall  cease  on  both  sides ;  pro- 
vided the  Indians  shall  on  their  part  cease  from  hostilities  on  the  notifi- 
cation of  the  Peace  to  them.  And  that  they  shall  be  restored  to  all  the 
rights,  privileges  and  possessions  as  they  held  them  in  1811  before  the 
commencement  of  the  War. 

We  do  not  send  you  copies  of  all  these  Papers  by  the  present  occa- 
sion, because  we  expect  to  dispatch  a  Messenger  to  you  in  a  very  few 
days,  when  we  shall  have  prepared  our  answer  to  this  last  Note.  Al- 
though I  am  not  certain  that  the  Negotiation  will  close  at  this  stage, 
and  although  the  British  Government  have  abandoned  so  much  and 
such  objectionable  parts  of  their  Sine  qua  non,  I  see  no  reason  for 
altering  the  opinion  expressed  to  you  at  the  close  of  our  joint  Letter 
of  19.  August. 

Mr  Boyd  arrived  at  Bordeaux  on  the  I7th.  at  Paris  on  the  23d. 
and  here  on  the  29th.  ultimo.  He  is  now  at  Amsterdam ;  we  expect  his 
return  in  the  course  of  a  few  days.  We  have  applied  for  a  Passport 
for  the  return  of  the  Transit. 

We  received  the  duplicates  of  your  dispatches  of  25  and  27.  June, 
from  the  British  Plenipotentiaries.  But  your  Letter  of  9  July  was 
not  with  them. 

I  am  with  perfect  respect,  Sir,  your  very  humble  and  obedt :  Servt. 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

X.    JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS  TO  JAMES  MONROE. 
(Despatches,  Russia,  Volume  2,  Despatch  No.  143.) 
The  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States. 

GHENT  20.  November  1814. 
Sir. 

The  Chauncey  sailed  on  the  first  of  this  Month  from  Ostend,  and 
by  her  we  transmitted  to  you,  copies  of  all  the  official  papers  which 
had  passed  between  the  British  Plenipotentiaries  and  us.  The  interval 
that  had  elapsed  since  the  departure  of  the  John  Adams  was  so  long, 
that  I  am  apprehensive  you  may  have  thought  it  unnecessarily  pro- 
tracted. It  was  owing  to  the  reluctance  with  which  the  Supercargo  of 
the  Chauncey  came  to  the  determination  of  proceeding  to  America; 
and  to  the  dilatory  proceedings  of  the  British  Admiralty,  upon  our 
applications  for  Passports  for  Vessels,  to  convey  our  dispatches.  On 
the  7th :  of  September  we  had  by  a  Note  to  the  British  Plenipotentiaries, 


52       DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

requested  them  to  obtain  such  a  Passport  for  the  Schooner  Herald, 
lying  at  Amsterdam.  There  were  a  number  of  persons,  Citizens  of  the 
United  States,  who  were  desirous  of  returning  in  that  vessel  as  Passen- 
gers, and  we  gave  their  names,  with  the  intimation  of  a  wish  that  they 
might  be  inserted,  as  Passengers  on  the  Passport — We  have  not  to  this 
day  received  any  answer  from  the  Admiralty,  upon  this  application. 

When  Mr  Boyd  arrived  here,  we  immediately  addressed  a  Note  to 
the  Plenipotentiaries,  asking  a  Passport  for  the  Transit  to  return  to 
the  United  States  with  our  dispatches.  At  the  same  time  we  informed 
them  that  you  had  been  obliged  to  dispatch  her  without  any  Passport, 
and  sent  them  copies  of  your  note  to  Lord  Castlereagh,  enclosing  the 
duplicates  of  your  Letters  of  25  and  27  June  to  us,  and  of  Admiral  Cock- 
burn's  Letter  to  you,  alleging  his  Commander's  orders  for  refusing  a 
Passport  for  a  vessel  in  July,  because  he  judged  it  sufficient  to  have 
given  one  for  another  vessel  the  preceding  March — and  we  intimated 
to  them  that  their  officers  had  thus  to  the  utmost  extent  of  their  power 
precluded  our  Government  from  transmitting  to  us  any  Instructions 
subsequent  to  their  knowledge  of  the  important  changes  in  the  affairs 
of  Europe,  which  had  so  essential  a  bearing  upon  the  objects  of  our 
Negotiation.  The  Circumstance  was  the  more  remarkable,  because  the 
British  Plenipotentiaries  had  in  one  of  their  Notes  made  it  a  subject 
of  reproach  to  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  that  they  had  not 
furnished  us  with  Instructions  after  being  informed  of  the  pacification 
of  Europe.  We  had  indeed  told  them  at  the  Conference  of  the  Qth :  of 
August  that  we  had  then  received  Instructions  dated  at  the  close  of 
June.  But  this  had  altogether  escaped  their  recollection ;  so  that  while 
Admiral  Cockburn  was  writing  you  that  his  superior  Officer  had  de- 
cided that  there  was  no  further  occasion  for  our  Government  to  in- 
struct us,  until  they  should  receive  dispatches  from  us,  the  British 
Government  was  taking  it  for  granted  that  we  had  received  no  In- 
structions, and  was  charging  it  as  an  indication  that  the  American 
Government  was  not  sincerely  disposed  to  Peace. 

It  was  nearly  five  weeks  after  we  made  this  Communication,  asking 
a  Passport  for  the  Transit,  when  we  received  it.  The  Passport  requires 
that  she  should  go  in  Ballast,  and  with  no  other  Passenger  than  a  bearer 
of  dispatches  from  us.  No  answer  has  been  given  us,  either  in  relation 
to  Admiral  Cockburn's  Letter  to  you,  refusing  a  Cartel,  or  to  your 
Note  to  Lord  Castlereagh,  enclosing  the  duplicates.  We  received  the 
Passport  for  the  Transit  only  the  day  before  the  Chauncey  sailed,  so 
that  the  length  of  time,  between  the  dispatching  of  Mr  Dallas  and  that 
of  Mr  Connell,  and  of  course  the  long  period  which  you  will  probably 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       53 

be  without  direct  advices  from  us,  will  have  been  owing  to  obstacles  in- 
dependent of  our  controul. 

From  the  nature  of  the  British  pretensions  and  demands  as  dis- 
closed in  the  first  Note  from  their  Plenipotentiaries  to  us,  and  from 
the  tone  with  which  they  were  brought  forward,  both  in  that  Note,  and 
in  the  Conference  of  the  day  on  which  it  is  dated,  we  had  concluded 
that  the  rupture  of  the  Negotiation  would  immediately  ensue,  and  ex- 
pected to  have  been  discharged  from  our  attendance  at  this  place,  before 
the  first  of  September.  The  British  Plenipotentiaries  after  receiving 
our  answer  to  their  first  Note  appeared  to  entertain  the  same  expecta- 
tion, and  if  the  sincerity  of  their  conversation  can  be  implicitly  trusted, 
they  were  not  altogether  in  the  secret  of  their  own  Government.  It 
soon  became  apparent  from  the  course  pursued  by  them,  that  the  inten- 
tion of  the  British  Cabinet  was,  neither  to  break  off  the  Negotiation, 
nor  to  conclude  the  Peace.  They  expected  that  a  powerful  impression 
would  be  made  in  America  by  the  armaments  naval  and  military  which 
they  had  sent  and  were  continuing  to  send.  At  the  same  time  the  re- 
sult of  the  Congress  at  Vienna  was  a  subject  of  some  uncertainty.  The 
expediency  of  another  campaign  in  America  might  depend  upon  its 
issue.  Success  in  either  hemisphere  would  warrant  them  in  raising 
their  demands  at  their  own  discretion.  Failure  on  either  or  even  on 
both  sides  would  still  leave  them  with  a  certainty  of  a  Peace  as  favour- 
able as  they  could  have  any  reasonable  pretence  to  require.  They  have 
accordingly  confined  their  plenipotentiaries  to  the  task  of  wasting 
time.  After  spending  more  than  two  Months  upon  a  preliminary 
Article,  which  ultimately  bore  scarcely  a  feature  of  its  original  aspect, 
they  twice  successively  evaded  our  request  for  an  interchange  of  the 
project  of  a  Treaty. — They  have  at  last  started  it  as  a  point  of  Etiquette, 
and  appear  to  consider  it  as  an  advantage  to  receive  the  first  draft 
instead  of  giving  it.  We  have  now  endeavoured  to  gratify  them  in  both 
respects.  We  have  sent  them  our  Project,  and  are  now  waiting  for 
their's.  In  the  mean  time,  Lord  Liverpool  has  avowed  in  the  debates 
on  the  Regent's  Speech  that  their  demands  and  proposals  are  to  be 
regulated  by  circumstances,  which  implies  that  they  are  not  yet  pre- 
pared to  conclude.  One  of  the  latest  ministerial  papers  announces  that 
the  negotiation  is  not  to  succeed  and  that  their  Plenipotentiaries  are 
very  shortly  to  return  to  England.  Of  the  latter  part  of  this  informa- 
tion I  much  doubt,  for  although  the  progress  of  the  Negotiations  at 
Vienna,  daily  strengthens  the  expectation  that  it  will  end  without  any 
immediate  disturbance  of  the  Peace  of  Europe,  it  does  not  yet  promise 
a  state  of  permanent  tranquillity,  which  would  make  the  policy  of  con- 
tinuing at  all  Events  the  War  with  America,  unquestionable. 


54      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

I  have  received,  and  shall  forward  by  the  Transit,  a  packet  of 
dispatches  for  you,  from  Mr  Harris  at  St:  Petersburg.  It  doubtless 
contains  copies  of  the  Note  which  he  addressed  to  the  Imperial  depart- 
ment of  foreign  affairs,  in  relation  to  Admiral  Cochrane's  Proclama- 
tion of  blockade  of  25.  April  last.  I  know  not  whether  it  is  to  be  re- 
gretted that  Mr:  Haris's  Note  was  not  presented  until  after  the  Em- 
peror's departure  for  Vienna.  He  writes  me  that  Mr:  Weydemeyer 
at  his  suggestion  had  written  to  Count  Nesselrode,  requesting  him  to 
communicate  directly  to  me  the  Emperor's  answer  on  the  subject  of  the 
Note — But  I  have  not  heard  from  the  Count. 

The  popular  sentiment  throughout  Europe  has  been  and  still  is 
that  the  United  States  must  sink  in  the  present  struggle  against  the 
whole  power  of  Great-Britain.  And  such  is  the  British  ascendancy 
over  all  the  Governments  of  Europe  that  even  where  the  feelings  of  the 
People  incline  to  favour  us,  they  dare  not  yet  unequivocally  express 
them.  The  late  Events  in  America,  as  far  as  they  are  known,  have 
tended  to  produce  some  change  in  this  respect.  The  destruction  of  the 
public  buildings  at  Washington  has  been  publicly  reprobated  in  some 
of  the  French  Gazettes,  but  it  has  been  defended  in  others.  Its  general 
effect  upon  the  public  opinion  has  been  unfavourable  to  the  English ; 
but  the  impression  of  their  defeat  at  Baltimore,  and  especially  of  the 
retreat  from  Plattsburg  has  been  much  deeper.  We  shall  have  no 
valuable  friends  in  Europe,  until  we  have  proved  that  we  can  defend 
ourselves  without  them.  There  will  be  friends  enough,  if  we  can  main- 
tain our  own  cause  by  our  resources. 

We  have  also  received  by  two  several  occasions  Letters  to  us, 
and  dispatches  for  you,  from  Mr  Sumter  at  Rio  de  Janeiro.  They  were 
sent  by  the  Portugese  Minister  who  attends  the  Congress  at  Vienna, 
and  by  Count  Pahlen  who  is  returning  to  Russia.  Mr  Sumter's  dis- 
patches for  you,  were  left  open  for  our  perusal,  and  we  shall  forward 
them  by  the  Transit. 

I  am,  with  great  respect,  Sir,  your  very  humble  and  obedt  Servt 

JOHN  QUINCY  ADAMS. 

XI.    JONATHAN  RUSSELL  TO  ROBERT  SMITH. 
(Despatches,  France,  Volume  12.) 

PARIS  4th  Decem  1810 
Sir 

I  have  already  written  you  several  letters  by  this  opportunity  but 
as  the  Commodore  Rogers  will  have  to  wait  on  account  of  the  westerly 
winds  for  the  next  spring  tides  I  shall  I  trust  be  able  to  get  this  letter 
on  board  of  her. 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       55 

The  efficient  motive  of  the  Government  here  for  placing  this  ship 
at  my  disposal  was  to  procure  a  safe  conveyance  for  their  new  minister 
who  takes  passage  in  her  for  the  United  States. 

Altho'  Mr.  Serurier  professes  to  be  well  disposed  towards  the 
United  States  and  probably  is  really  so — yet  he  is  devoted  to  the  service 
of  his  master  and  this  devotion  will  form  the  rule  for  his  conduct.  In- 
deed the  strange  influence,  which  the  Emperor  exercises  over  those 
whom  he  employs,  appears  to  merge  all  they  may  possess  of  suavity  or 
benevolence  in  a  zeal  to  execute  his  unbending  will.  He  has  no  favorite 
or  confident — he  neither  loves  or  trusts  those  whom  he  finds  it  necessary 
to  use  but  considering  himself  alone  and  concentrating  within  himself 
all  his  affections  and  all  his  projects  he  braves  and  he  despises  the  opin- 
ions of  others.  His  Ministers  and  his  Marshals  approach  him — not  to 
give  their  counsel  but  to  receive  his  orders.  The  most  intrepid  among 
them  shrink  from  his  regard  and  a  word  from  him  confounds  alike  their 
wisdom  and  their  courage.  He  has  no  policy  but  his  power — and  to 
make  this  power  felt  and  feared  he  is  obliged  often  to  display  it  in  acts 
of  oppression  and  injustice.  Whatever  the  Minister  of  Exterior,  who 
is  the  only  channel  of  communication  for  foreign  nations,  submits  to 
him  must  remain  till  he  chooses  to  take  it  into  consideration  and  to 
give  it  an  answer.  If  it  be  forgotten  among  the  multiplicity  of  other 
concerns  it  is  dangerous  to  recal  it  to  his  attention — for  if  thus  recalled 
it  is  at  the  hazard  of  his  displeasure  and  his  injustice.  I  doubt  not 
that  many  representations  have  passed  sub  silencio  merely  because  the 
minister  has  feared  to  remind  him  of  their  existence.  Indeed  the  awe 
which  all  about  him  manifestly  feel  is  inconceivable  to  those  who  are 
not  familiar  with  the  excesses  and  extravagancies  of  a  man  possessed 
of  absolute  power  and  actuated  by  violent  and  unmanagable  passions. 
Our  relations  with  a  country  governed  in  this  way  must,  I  fear,  at  best 
be  precarious  and  uncertain.  For  I  humbly  apprehend  that  our  con- 
fidence in  a  foreign  government  ought  not  to  be  measured  solely  by 
its  professions — or  by  the  inaction  or  revocation  of  a  few  decrees  but 
chiefly  by  the  organization  of  that  Government  and  the  character  of 
those  who  exercise  its  powers.  And  what  security  can  we  have  for  the 
permanency  of  any  arrangement  which  depends  on  the  single  will  of  a 
spoilt  child  of  fortune  who  regards  neither  the  sanctity  of  principle  or 
the  decency  of  forms. 

No  one  here  except  the  Emperor  knows  if  the  Berlin  and  Milan 
decrees  be  absolutely  revoked  or  not  and  no  one  dares  enquire  of  him 
concerning  them.  The  general  opinion  of  those  with  whom  I  have 
conversed  on  the  subject  is  that  they  are  so  revoked.  There  are  indeed 


56      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

among  those  who  entertain  this  opinion  several  counsellors  of  state — 
but  this  is  of  little  importance  as  the  construction  which  the  Emperor 
may  choose  to  adopt  will  alone  prevail  and  the  most  hardy  of  his  states- 
men will  not  presume  to  consider  it  to  be  incorrect. 

The  New  Orleans  packet  lately  arrived  at  Bordeaux  is  still  under 
quarantine  as  a  contagious  disease  is  said  to  prevail  at  Gibralter  the 
port  from  which  she  came.  I  still  believe  that  her  case  will  be  so  man- 
aged as  to  procrastinate  a  decision  until  it  be  known  whether  the  con- 
dition presented  to  the  United  States  has  been  performed  or  not.  The 
general  course  of  proceedure  and  which  I  presume  will  be  pursued  with 
regard  to  her  is  a  temporary  sequester  while  the  papers  can  be  trans- 
mitted to  Paris  to  be  examined  and  decided  on  by  the  council  of  com- 
merce here.  As  this  is  now  the  ordinary  practice  it  may  satisfactorily 
explain  why  notice  of  the  revocation  of  the  decrees  has  not  been  given 
to  the  custom-houses — as  a  knowledge  of  this  fact  could  be  of  no  im- 
portance to  those  who  are  not  qualified  to  act  upon  it. 

I  have  seen  the  condemnation  of  the  Whampoa  which  was  pro- 
nounced on  the  7th  of  November  by  the  Council  of  prizes  under  the 
Milan  decree.  The  Whampoa  had  long  been  in  the  ports  of  Holland 
and  her  trial  was  pending  for  months  before  the  first  of  November — 
yet  as  that  decree  was  to  cease  to  operate  after  that  period  and  no  reser- 
vation was  made  for  pronouncing  confiscation  altho'  previously  in- 
curred— we  have  a  right  perhaps  to  consider  its  revocation  to  be  entire 
and  that  not  a  single  fragment  of  it  survived  on  which  to  found  an  act 
either  of  seizure  or  confiscation.  I  have  however  forborne  to  make  any 
representation  to  this  government  on  the  subject  because  I  considered 
it  to  be  indiscreet  at  this  moment  when  the  revocation  itself  was  not 
well  assured  to  enter  into  a  controversy  about  its  extent.  When  we 
have  sufficient  proof  of  the  existence  of  the  principal  object  we  can, 
should  policy  require  it,  contend  with  safety  for  the  mere  incidents 
which  belong  to  it. 

Altho'  from  a  great  variety  of  circumstances  I  am  induced  to  be- 
leive  that  the  continental  system  is  not  viewed  by  the  Government  here 
exactly  as  it  was  on  the  5th  of  August  last  yet  I  also  believe  that  should 
the  proclamation  of  the  President  under  the  law  of  the  first  of  May  be 
issued — and  received  here — within  a  reasonable  time — the  Berlin  and 
Milan  decrees  will  not  again  be  executed.  As  however  this  system 
appears  now  to  be  relied  on  as  an  efficient  instrument  for  the  destruc- 
tion of  British  power — and  as  these  decrees  formed  so  essential  a  part 
of  it — it  is  to  be  apprehended  that  their  reluctant  repeal  will  be  followed 
by  measures  of  equal  violence  to  replace  them.  All  that  we  can  hope 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       57 

for  is  that  these  measures  may  be  so  modified  as  not  to  violate  our 
rights  however  unfavourable  they  may  be  to  our  interests. 

British  power  is  regarded  as  the  offspring  of  British  commerce 
and  the  attempt  to  destroy  the  former  by  the  destruction  of  the  latter 
will  not  be  abandonned  from  a  repugnance  to  involve  the  trade  of 
neutral  nations  in  the  ruin.  That  this  terrible  system  has  progressively 
excluded  from  almost  every  part  of  the  continent  the  flag  of  Britain  and 
has  pursued — and  seized — and  confiscated  and  burnt  her  merchandize 
and  her  manufactures  not  merely  in  the  magazines  at  the  seaports  but 
in  the  inland  hovels  of  Germany  and  the  cottages  of  the  Alps  and 
thereby  produced  commercial  distress  and  embarrassment  at  London 
cannot  be  denied — nor  can  it  be  denied  that  from  the  same  causes  the 
stocks  in  England  have  fallen  and  that  the  course  of  exchange  from 
every  part  of  the  continent  continues  to  be  against  her.  But  while 
France  triumphantly  boasts  the  effect  of  her  system  on  her  adversary 
she  attempts  to  conceal  or  affects  to  disbeleive  its  effect  upon  herself. 
If  the  foreign  commerce  of  England  be  diminished  her  own  and  that 
of  her  allies  is  absolutely  annihilated.  If  the  house  of  Goldsmith  was 
deranged  at  London — the  house  of  Simon  at  Paris  and  the  house  of 
Schmitz  of  Amsterdam — both  equally  eminent — are  bankrupt.  Nor 
have  the  French  funds  risen — on  the  contrary  in  spite  of  all  the  victories 
and  all  the  plunder  with  which  they  are  supported  they  continue  to  de- 
cline. The  rate  of  exchange  too  is  affected  as  well  by  the  want  of  con- 
fidence and  want  of  money  on  the  continent  as  by  the  balance  of  trade 
between  the  continent  and  England.  If  indeed  the  former  export  more 
than  she  receives  this  relative  state  of  trade  proves  nothing  for  the  fact 
is  that  her  positive  amount  of  exports,  if  Russia  be  excepted,  has 
dwindled  almost  to  nothing  and  the  industry  which  furnished  it  is 
perishing.  Even  this  course  of  exchange  so  vaunted  as  the  evidence  of 
continental  prosperity  adds  in  fact  to  continental  distress  for  it  is  at  the 
loss  of  the  drawer  and  discourages  exportation. 

While  however  I  believe  that  the  continental  system  produces 
much  more  misery  to  the  continent  than  to  England  I  also  believe  that 
it  will  not  be  abandonned  until  the  maritime  system  of  the  latter — a 
system  founded  on  the  same  principles  of  pride — violence  and  injustice 
be  renounced.  France  from  the  habits  of  her  people  and  the  character 
of  her  government  is,  notwithstanding  her  sufferings,  pre-eminently 
qualified  for  perseverance  in  this  conflict  of  commercial  privation. 
Commerce  with  her  being  at  best  but  a  secondary  branch  of  industry 
may  be  suspended  without  essentially  affecting  the  strength  or  the  re- 
sources of  the  nation — and  there  is  a  power — whatever  distress  this 


58      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

suspension  might  produce — to  stifle  every  groan  and  arrest  every  con- 
vulsion. On  the  other  hand  the  commerce  of  England  is  the  soul 
which  animates  her — it  is  her  nerve  and  sinew — her  sensibility  and  her 
strength  and  should  it  perish  her  national  existence  must  perish  with 
it — Nor  will  the  temper  of  her  people  long  brook  experiments  which 
endanger  it  and  of  which  they  feel  the  evils  without  regarding  the 
policy  and  the  most  sturdy  of  her  ministers  will  find  themselves  obliged 
to  respect  this  temper.  It  is  from  this  view  of  the  subject  that  I  am 
induced  to  believe  that  France  will  not  be  the  first  to  recede  from  the 
system — and  no  motive  can  have  less  influence  with  her  than  a  regard 
for  our  rights.  She  may  indeed  admit  occasional  modifications  in  order 
to  procure  the  conveniences  of  our  intercourse.  But  on  these  we  can 
place  no  reliance — they  form  no  part  of  her  permanent  plan  and  prob- 
ably will  not  be  permitted  to  survive  the  wants  which  produce  them. 

For  instance — the  price  of  wheat  in  France  has  doubled  within  a 
few  months  past.  This  is  owing  to  a  scarcity  of  that  article  occasioned 
partly  by  an  indifferent  harvest  and  partly  by  the  great  demand  for  the 
armies  in  Spain.  So  entirely  from  the  latter  cause  has  Languedoc  been 
drained  that  many  of  its  inhabitants  send  to  Paris  for  bread.  In  this 
state  of  things  an  unofficial  enquiry  has  been  made  of  me  to  ascertain 
if  the  American  merchants  would  receive  French  permits  to  supply 
the  south  with  provisions.  To  this  enquiry  I  replied  that  our  mer- 
chants like  all  others  would  act  as  upon  calculation  they  considered  it 
to  be  for  their  interest — but  that  I  was  of  opinion  that  my  government 
would  not  in  the  existing  state  of  things  countenance  a  partial  inter- 
course of  this  kind.  I  further  observed  that  if  the  Berlin  and  Milan 
decrees  were  off  special  permits  could  not  be  necessary — and  that  if 
they  were  not  off  I  should  not  feel  at  liberty  to  listen  to  any  new 
propositions  without  instructions  from  the  President.  I  must  con- 
fess that  I  heard  with  regret  this  enquiry  as  it  seemed  to  imply  that 
we  could  not  be  suffered  even  to  feed  their  hungry  without  special 
permission.  It  explains  however  the  character  of  the  occasional  modi- 
fications of  the  general  system  which  we  may  expect  in  our  favour.  Of 
the  same  nature  is  the  decree  of  the  ler  of  November  permitting  the 
produce  of  Java  and  the  Mauritius  to  be  imported  direct  to  France  in 
American  vessels  on  paying  one  fourth  only  of  the  ordinary  duties.  In 
a  conversation  I  had  with  the  Duke  of  Cadore  relative  to  this  decree — 
and  in  which  I  wished  to  ascertain  if  the  word  direct  applied  to  the 
nature  of  the  voyage  or  merely  to  the  route  in  which  it  was  performed 
— (that  is  if  American  vessels  might  touch  in  the  United  States  with- 
out breaking  bulk) — and  if  the  ports  of  Holland  were  to  be  considered 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       59 

under  that  decree  as  ports  of  France — I  could  obtain  no  other  answer 
than  that  the  decree  spoke  for  itself.  The  language  however  which  it 
speaks  is  not  very  explicit  and  promises  no  national  advantage  to  the 
United  States  but  is  intended  merely  to  tempt  adventurous  individuals 
among  us  to  undertake  for  the  convenience  of  France  what  her  subjects 
at  the  moment  are  incapable  of  performing. 

The  indulgencies  however  which  she  grants  to  us,  and  which  she 
nicely  measures  by  her  necessities,  are  greater  than  any  which  she 
allows  to  her  allies.  On  them  she  ruthlessly  inflicts  all  the  calamities 
of  her  system  while  she  reserves  to  herself  alone  all  the  relaxations  by 
which  its  operation  can  be  mitigated.  The  faculty  of  granting  permits 
and  licences  is  her  exclusive  prerogative  and  the  commerce  they  occa- 
sion she  severely  monopolizes.  By  this  mode  of  proceedure  she  pre- 
vents abuses  which  would  undoubtedly  be  practiced  to  the  benefit  of 
her  enemy — she  favors  her  immediate  subjects — and  by  forcing  through 
her  ports  eyery  article  of  foreign  growth  consumed  on  the  continent 
she  completely  engrosses  the  whole  revenue  arising  from  impost.  To 
this  mode  of  executing  her  system  I  doubt  not  she  will  hereafter  most 
rigidly  adhere — and  to  it  sooner  or  later  all  the  powers  of  the  continent 
will  be  compelled  to  subscribe.  Of  all  these  powers,  if  we  except 
Austria  who  has  no  ports,  Russia  and  Sweden  even  now  are  the  only 
ones  who  are  not  completely  subjected  to  it — and  these  powers  will 
not  long  form  an  exception.  It  is  probable  indeed  that  even  at  this 
moment  the  resistance  of  Sweden  is  at  an  end.  I  have  just  been  told 
by  a  person  officially  informed  of  the  fact  that  on  the  I2th  of  Novr. 
the  French  Ambassador  at  the  Court  of  Sweden  made  a  positive  de- 
mand that  war  should  be  declared  against  England  within  five  days — 
and  intimated  that  in  case  of  a  refusal  he  should  immediately  leave  the 
country — an  advertisement  of  the  Swedish  consul  at  Copenhagen  on 
the  24th  Novr.  warning,  in  consequence  of  orders  he  had  received,  all 
Swedish  vessels  in  the  Danish  ports  to  guard  against  capture  by  the 
English,  renders  it  probable  that  the  demand  of  the  French  Govern- 
ment has  already  been  acceded  to.  This  demand  was  no  doubt  made 
with  a  determination  of  giving  to  the  continental  system  a  more  com- 
plete and  efficient  operation — for  the  war  which  Sweden  can  wage 
against  England,  in  a  military  point  of  view,  can  be  of  little  importance. 
Russia  is  then  the  only  power  which  remains  to  adopt  the  measure 
and  she  must  promptly  decide  on  hostilities  against  commerce  or  against 
France — she  must  confiscate  or  fight  and  there  is  much  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  she  will  elect  the  former.  The  promotion  indeed  of  a  French 
prince  to  the  throne  of  Sweden  appeared  at  first  to  alarm  the  Russian 


60      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

Court — at  least  the  Russian  Ambassy  here  were  startled  at  it.  Pro- 
fessions of  amity  from  this  Government  and  strong  assurances  of  the 
undisturbed  possession  of  Findland  [sic]  joined  to  the  vanity  of  their 
own  victories  over  the  Turks  have  again  restored  their  confidence  in 
this  Government  and  disposed  them  to  aid  in  its  policy.  They  must  be 
aware  that  their  only  means  of  securing  their  conquests  in  Turkey  is 
by  condescension  to  France.  It  is  the  foible  of  the  Russian  Govern- 
ment to  overrate  their  acquisitions  in  that  quarter  and  to  be  willing 
to  make  the  most  serious  sacrifices  in  order  to  retain  them. 

The  first  fruits  of  the  continental  system  in  Russia,  Denmark  and 
Sweden  will  be  national  bankruptcy.  The  Bashaw  principle  of  finance 
— plunder  and  extortion — which  appears  to  be  the  handmaid  of  this 
system  cannot  long  delay  the  evil  and  will  aggravate  it  when  it  hap- 
pens. Denmark  and  Sweden  are  indeed  involuntary  victims  and  will 
struggle  to  the  last  to  preserve  some  character — the  courts  of  the  for- 
mer have  lately  acquitted  many  American  vessels  and  in  some  cases 
allowed  respectable  damages.  Prussia  altho  she  still  retain  [s]  the 
shadow  of  sovereignty  does  not  in  fact  enjoy  a  single  one  of  its  at- 
tributes. After  an  indiscriminate  sequester  of  all  property  imported 
into  her  dominions  she  has  as  indiscriminately  confiscated  it.  The 
whole,  among  which  there  is  much  belonging  to  American  citizens,  is 
ordered  to  be  sold  and  the  proceeds,  it  is  said,  will  be  applied  to  dis- 
charge the  arrears  of  contributions  due  to  France. 

The  spirit  of  the  Spanish  patriots  continues  unbroken  and  is  every 
where  in  full  activity  excepting  only  where  it  is  contrould  by  the  im- 
mediate presence  of  the  superior  force  of  the  French.  The  gigantic 
efforts  called  forth  for  the  subjugation  of  that  country  leave  however 
no  room  to  doubt  of  the  final  issue  of  the  sanguinary  conflict.  Still 
the  world  will  learn  how  much  more  difficult  it  is  to  subdue  a  people 
than  to  conquer  a  vicious  government.  Troops,  provisions  and  money 
pour  in  a  constant  current  into  that  devoted  country  and  leave  France 
exhausted  and  impov[er]ished  for  the  support  of  a  most  odious  and 
inglorious  cause. 

The  vessels  at  Bayonne  which  have  not  been  taken  into  the  service 
of  the  Government  or  otherwise  disposed  of  are  to  be  sold  at  public 
auction  on  the  I5th  of  this  month. 

The  compromised  vessels  for  which  I  asked  permission  two  months 
since  to  leave  the  ports  of  France  are  still  detained.  A  conversation  I 
have  lately  had  with  the  minister  of  foreign  relations  with  regard  to 
them  leaves  no  cause  to  expect  that  any  general  measure  will  be  taken 
in  their  favour.  He  intimated  however  that  if  I  would  ask  for  them 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       6 1 

seperately  I  should  probably  meet  with  success.  As  it  was  however 
the  principle  rather  than  the  property  for  which  I  contended  I  cannot 
persuade  myself  to  impliedly  abandon  the  former  by  pursuing  the  un- 
dignified course  he  has  suggested.  I  shall  do  however  all  I  can  to  aid 
the  individuals  concerned  as  far  as  may  appear  to  me  to  be  com- 
patible with  national  honour. 

The  free  and  negligent  manner  in  which  this  letter  is  written  will 
be  sufficient  to  advise  you  that  it  is  private  and  confidential. 

I  remain 

faithfully  and  respectfully 
Sir 

Your  very  Hble  Servt 

JONA[THAN]  RUSSELL. 
Deer  ^th 

P.  S.  I  have  this  moment  learnt  that  Sweden  has  acceded  to  the 
demand  of  France — declared  war  against  England  and  that  the  seques- 
tration of  all  colonial  produce  will  follow. 

A  schooner  has  just  arrived  at  Bordeaux  direct  from  Baltimore — 
called  the  Friendship.  I  know  not  how  she  will  be  received.  I  know 
however  of  no  circumstance  attending  her  voyage  which  can  bring 
her  within  the  Berlin  and  Milan  decrees  even  if  they  be  not  rescinded. 
One  thing  however  this  case  will  ascertain  viz.  if  colonial  produce  will 
be  permitted  in  American  vessels  without  a  special  permit  or  licence 
and  I  have  reason  to  believe  that  it  will  not  be  so  admitted. 
The  Honble  Robert  Smith 

Secry  of  State  of  the  United  States. 

XII.    JOEL  BARLOW  TO  JAMES  MONROE.* 
(Despatches,  France,  Volume  13,  Despatch  No.  9.) 

PARIS  March  isth  1812 
Sir. 

It  seems  that  the  Emperor  never  kept  his  Ministers  so  hard  at 
work  night  and  day  as  he  has  for  a  month  or  two  past  to  organize  and 
push  forward  the  unexampled  military  force,  before  which  Europe 
now  trembles  to  her  center,  and  to  combine  change  and  shuffle  the 
diplomatic  discussions  which  forebode  a  new  and  forced  arrangement 
of  her  political  powers.  I  mention  this  only  as  it  effects  [sic]  our  own 
affairs,  and  as  it  accounts  for  their  delay. 

*  This  despatch  is  printed  in  extract  in  American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Re- 
lations, III,  519.  The  printed  parts  are  here  inclosed  in  brackets.  At  the  head 
of  the  letter  is  written  in  pencil,  "  Are  the  Extracts  from  this  Letter  such  as  the 
President  approves — " 


62       DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

[I  have  scarcely  been  able  to  get  an  interview  with  the  Duke  of 
Bassano  for  the  last  fifteen  days,  though  he  has  appointed  several. — 
He  has  disappointed  me  in  most  of  them,  and  I  am  sure  with  reluctance. 
Last  evening  I  obtained  a  short  audience,  in  which  he  declared  that 
his  great  work  of  this  continent  was  now  finished,  and  he  would  be  able 
after  tomorrow  to  devote  himself  very  much  to  the  treaty  with  the 
United  States,  till  it  should  be  completed,  and  I  left  him  rather  with 
the  hope  than  the  full  expectation,  that  he  will  have  it  in  his  power 
to  keep  his  promise.] 

I  have  not  yet  repented,  though  I  cannot  be  sure  I  shall  not  repent, 
having  detained  the  Hornet.  Besides  my  reasons  mentioned  in  my 
letters  of  the  28  January,  the  8th  feby.  and  3d  of  march,  it  seemed 
that  the  presence  of  a  public  ship  waiting  only  for  the  result  of  the 
negotiation  might  stimulate  them  to  hasten  that  result  and  it  would 
give  me  a  double  right  to  urge  it.  I  am  sensible  that  such  a  delay 
should  have  its  limits,  and  I  certainly  will  not  suffer  it  to  continue  much 
longer.  Indeed  the  departure  of  the  Emperor  will  soon  put  an  end  to 
the  detention  of  the  ship  if  nothing  else  should  do  it.  It  is  under- 
stood that  he  leaves  Paris  early  in  April  to  go  and  regulate  Europe 
once  more. — 

It  is  doubtless  impossible  to  penetrate  his  plan.  The  following 
string  of  conjectures  is  the  most  plausible,  that  I  am  able  to  give  you, 
and  some  of  them  are  supported  by  known  facts.  All  the  troops  in 
Italy,  Dalmatia  and  Istria,  to  be  joined  by  the  great  contingent  of 
Bavaria,  are  forming  an  army  of  80,000  to  100,000  under  Prince 
Eugene,  ready  to  act  upon  the  lower  Danube  or  elsewhere  for  the  pur- 
pose hereinafter  mentioned. — 

Three  other  principal  armies  are  now  forming  and  marching  under 
Davost,*  NeyandMortier.  These  are  composed  of  about  250,000  french 
and  Dutch  and  about  150,000  of  the  contingencies  of  Baden,  Wertem- 
bourg,  Hesse,  Westphalia,  Saxony,  Poland,  and  Prussia.  In  these 
three  armies  are  included  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  horse. — 

To  enable  him  to  carry  his  regular  troops  out  of  France  with  safety 
he  has  made  another  Senatus  Consultum  throwing  all  the  male  force 
of  France,  not  now  in  the  army,  into  three  clases  of  national  guards, 
the  first  class  to  include  all  unmarried  men  from  20  to  26  years  of  age, 
the  second  takes  all  from  26  to  40 — the  third  from  40  to  60.  The  first 
of  these  is  put  immediately  into  activity  of  service,  not  however  to  be 
moved  out  of  France,  but  doing  the  necessary  duty  within  it,  will  enable 
him  to  withdraw  all  his  regulars  including  the  conscription  of  this  year. 

*  Davout. 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       63 

These  armies  are  better  provided,  better  organized,  and  are  said 
to  be  better  conducted  than  any  that  France  has  before  sent  abroad. 
The  most  authentic  accounts  of  their  total  numbers  vary  from  five  to 
600,000  men.  Doubtless  no  such  force  has  ever  moved  before  at  any 
one  time  in  the  service  of  any  one  Prince.  Such  are  the  means,  now 
for  the  object. — 

A  few  days  ago  in  ordering  the  Council  of  State  to  prepare  the 
Senatus  Consultum  for  the  national  guards  he  prefaced  the  demand 
with  these  observations,  "  Some  of  the  powers  of  Europe  have  not 
fulfilled  their  promise  with  respect  to  the  continental  system.  I  must 
force  them  to  it.  I  love  peace  and  tranquility,  and  I  have  done  enough 
to  deserve  them.  I  even  confess  that  I  love  pleasure.  But  when  the 
interests  of  the  nation  calls  [sic]  I  must  relinquish  them.  I  am  going 
to  put  myself  at  the  head  of  an  immense  military  force.  It  will  be  a 
war  of  ten  years.  The  national  guards  must  be  organized  and  put  at 
my  disposition.  I  shall  not  lead  them  to  the  end  of  the  world,  that  is, 
not  beyond  the  Illirian  provinces  or  the  present  limits  of  France.  But 
they  must  do  the  service  of  the  interior  and  relieve  the  regular  troops." 

When  this  order  was  carried  to  the  Senate  the  Minister  in  his  re- 
port uttered  this  remarkable  phrase  "  In  whatever  port  of  Europe  a 
British  ship  can  enter,  there  must  be  a  french  garrison  to  prevent  it." 

Thus  far  go  our  facts.  From  all  which  and  from  various  appear- 
ances which  are  indescribable,  it  is  believed  that  before  fighting  any 
battles  he  will  invite  his  brother  Alexander,  and  all  others  whom  it  may 
concern,  to  allow  him  to  garrison  all  the  ports  on  the  Baltic  and  the 
Gulph  of  Finland,  as  far  at  least  as  Revel.  If  this  prayer  is  refused 
he  will  fight  them  until  it  is  granted;  and  in  this  crisis  of  the  War 
Prince  Eugene  will  march  to  the  lower  Danube  to  strike  the  Russian 
force  in  that  quarter,  and  raise  a  little  debt  of  gratitude  upon  the 
Turks,  to  be  paid  by  and  by. 

As  soon  as  this  Russian  War  of  one  campaign  is  finished,  or  sooner 
if  his  first  proposal  is  granted  without  a  war,  it  will  be  agreed  that  he 
shall  form  a  large  round  Kingdom  of  Poland,  including  Pomerania, 
Baltic  Prussia  and  perhaps  the  coast  as  far  as  Riga.  Then  he  is  to 
compensate  Alexander  with  the  Turkish  provinces  north  of  the  mouths 
of  the  Danube,  gratify  his  father  Francis  with  the  Deltas  of  the  Danube 
and  the  provinces  south  of  it  as  far  as  the  entrance  of  the  Bosphorus ; 
and  setting  down  himself  on  the  throne  of  Constantine,  declare  the 
natural  boundaries  of  France  to  be  the  Hellispont  and  the  Egean,  ex- 
tending its  northern  line  in  that  quarter  from  the  Southern  bend  of  the 


64      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

Black  Sea  to  the  northern  limit  of  Istria,  and  tossing  the  turban  out 
of  Europe. — 

I  have  the  honor  to  be 
Sir  with  great  respect 
Yr.  Obt.  St. 

J.  BARLOW 
Hon:  James  Monroe. 

XIII.    JOEL  BARLOW  TO  THE  DUKE  OF  BASSANO.* 

(Despatches,  France,  Volume  13,  Despatch  No.  u,  Enclosure.) 

Copy 

i  May  1812. 
Sir. 

[In  the  note  I  had  the  honor  to  address  to  Your  Excellency  on 
the  loth,  of  November  last,  the  spirit  of  the  English  Government  was 
so  far  noticed  as  to  anticipate  the  fact  now  proved  by  Experience  that 
its  orders  in  Council,  violating  the  rights  of  neutrals,  would  not  be 
revoked.  The  Declaration  of  the  Prince-Regent,  of  the  2ist.  of  April, 
has  placed  that  fact  beyond  all  question.  In  doing  this  he  has  repeated 
the  assertion  so  often  advanced  by  his  ministers  and  Judges  that  the 
Decrees  of  France  of  a  similar  Character  are  likewise  unrevoked. 

You  will  notice  that  he  finds  a  new  argument  for  this  conclusion 
in  Your  Excellency's  late  Report  to  the  Emperor  concerning  neutral 
rights,  in  which  you  avoid  taking  notice  of  any  repeal  or  modification 
of  these  Decrees,  or  of  their  non-application  to  the  United  States.  We 
know  indeed  that  they  do  not  apply  to  the  United  States,  because  we 
do  not  suffer  our  flag  to  be  denationalized,  in  the  manner  evidently 
contemplated  by  the  Emperor  in  the  rule  he  meant  to  establish.  But 
it  would  have  been  well  if  Your  Excellency  had  noticed  their  non- 
application  to  the  United  States,  since  his  Majesty  has  uniformly  done 
it  in  his  decisions  of  Prize  causes,  since  November  1810.]  You  would 
then  have  taken  away  the  ground  on  which  the  Prince  Regent  has 
built  his  declaration ;  and  this  would  have  forced  his  ministers  to  find 
another  pretext  which  must  have  been  less  plausible  in  the  view  of  the 
People  of  England,  and  less  calculated  to  embarass  the  american  Gov- 
ernment, in  arming  the  Nation  against  the  invaders  of  her  rights. 

[It  is  much  to  be  desired  that  the  french  Government  would  now 
make  and  publish  an  authentic  act,  declaring  the  Berlin  and  Milan 


*This  letter  is  printed  in  extract  in  American  State  Papers,  Foreign  Rela- 
tions, III,  602.    The  printed  parts  are  here  inclosed  in  brackets. 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       65 

Decrees,  as  relative  to  the  United  States,  to  have  ceased  in  November 
1810,  declaring  that  they  have  not  been  applied  in  any  instance  since 
that  time,  and  that  they  shall  not  be  so  applied  in  future.] 

There  are  three  substantial  reasons  which  induce  me  now  to  pro- 
pose this  measure,  and  I  beg  leave  to  lay  them  before  you  with  a  solici- 
tude commanded  by  their  importance. 

ist.  It  would  greatly  embarass  the  British  Government  in  its 
measures  of  injustice;  and  since  the  Regent  has  decided  not  to  repeal 
the  orders  in  Council,  which  is  now  demonstrated,  it  would  force  his 
Ministers  to  take  a  less  popular  pretext  for  going  to  war  with  America ; 
it  would  bring  the  manufacturing  towns  upon  them  with  such  loud 
Complaints  as  might  induce  other  changes  which  cannot  easily  be  cal- 
culated. 

2d.  Such  an  act  on  the  part  of  France  is  absolutely  necessary 
to  the  american  Government;  and  tho'  solicited  as  an  accomodation, 
it  may  be  demanded  as  a  Right.  That  Government  is  now  entering 
upon  the  most  solemn  and  eventful  scene  of  things  that  can  present 
itself  to  a  nation  in  the  course  of  its  existence,  an  appeal  to  arms — 
against  an  agressor  far  more  powerful  than  itself.  It  is  a  war  that 
requires  the  collected  exertions  of  all  our  strength,  a  war  that  ought 
not  be  begun  and  cannot  be  successfully  conducted,  without  that  degree 
of  unanimity  among  the  People  which  can  only  rise  from  a  universal 
sentiment  of  right.  In  this  case  it  is  not  sufficient  that  the  President 
and  his  Counsellors  should  see  the  justice  of  their  cause  and  the  truth 
of  their  assertions ;  but  the  People  must  see  it ;  the  Nation  must  know 
it.  A  War  in  our  Country  must  be  the  business  of  the  Nation.  Tho' 
we  do  not  all  fight,  we  must  all  know  why  the  fighting  is  done.  The 
man  who  gives  his  money  and  the  man  who  gives  his  blood  will  first 
convince  himself  that  the  object  is  worthy  of  its  price. 

Now  it  is  well  known  to  Your  Excellency,  it  is  well  known  to  the 
world,  for  our  public  Documents  are  full  of  it,  that  great  doubts  exist 
in  that  Country,  even  among  our  best  informed  merchants,  and  in  the 
hall  itself  of  Congress  whether  the  Berlin  and  Milan  Decrees  are  to 
this  day  repealed,  or  even  modified  in  regard  to  the  United  States. 
Your  Report,  of  the  loth,  of  March,  by  its  unaccountable  reserve  will 
augment  that  doubt,  and  the  Prince  Regent's  Manifesto  of  the  2ist.  of 
April,  is  wisely  calculated  to  confirm  it  in  the  minds  of  thousands  of 
our  influencial  men.  The  Manifesto  was  made  for  that  purpose,  as  well 
as  for  misleading  the  People  of  England;  and  the  effect  will  be  very 
great  in  both  Countries,  if  not  immediately  met  and  destroyed  by  a 
more  potent  Declaration  of  the  Imperial  Government;  more  potent, 


66      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

because  it  will  be  founded  in  truth,  and  will  be  only  the  fulfilment  of 
its  own  promise.  It  would  produce  a  perfect  unanimity  in  America, 
while  it  would  put  the  Prince  Regent  completely  in  the  wrong,  in  the 
view  of  his  own  people,  and  thereby  paralyze  the  exertions  of  his 
ministers. 

3d.  I  will  ask  Your  Excellency  whether  the  Emperor  does  not 
owe  it  to  his  own  Dignity  and  the  reputation  of  his  Government,  to  re- 
move all  doubt  and  silence  every  tongue,  as  to  the  revocation  of  these 
Decrees.  Why  should  he  leave  it  in  the  power  of  artful  men  to  assert, 
and  of  credulous  men  to  believe  that  he  has  not  performed  his  word  ? 
The  revocation  of  these  Decrees,  as  they  regard  the  United  States,  is  an 
article  of  mutual  convention,  a  solemn  Contract  between  him  and  them. 
For  this  they  gave  an  equivalent,  an  expensive  equivalent;  they  con- 
sented to  deprive  themselves  of  the  English  Commerce:  a  sacrifice 
which  they  have  made  in  the  face  of  the  world,  public  and  palpable,  by 
a  legislative  act,  by  an  executive  proclamation,  by  punishing  all  infrac- 
tions, and  now  by  raising  a  hundred  thousand  troops  to  cope  with  the 
second  power  in  the  universe,  irritated  to  madness  by  the  honest  execu- 
tion, on  our  part,  of  that  sacred  Convention  with  France. 

If  it  was  the  Duty  of  France  to  cease  to  apply  those  Decrees  to  the 
United  States,  it  is  equally  her  duty  to  promulgate  it  to  the  world  in 
as  formal  a  manner  as  we  have  promulgated  our  Law  for  the  exclusion 
of  British  merchandize.  She  ought  to  declare  and  publish  the  non- 
application  of  these  Decrees  in  the  same  forms  in  which  she  enacted 
the  Decrees.  The  President  has  instructed  me  to  propose  and  press 
this  object  with  that  frank,  but  friendly  firmness  with  which  a  con- 
sciousness of  right,  on  the  one  side,  and  of  obligation  on  the  other, 
demands  in  any  Case  the  fulfillment  of  a  Treaty.  And  the  interests  of 
the  two  Parties  are  here  so  manifestly  the  same  as  to  forbid  the  fear 
of  giving  offence,  if  I  present  the  argument  without  disguise. 

The  ground  to  be  taken  for  the  Declaration  I  demand  is  plain. 
The  State  of  things  is  very  different  now  from  what  it  was  in  August 
1810,  when  the  letter  of  your  predecessor  announced  the  revocation. 
He  then  added  a  condition  subsequent,  the  execution  of  the  act  of  Con- 
gress on  which  the  revocation  was  predicated.  That  Condition  is  com- 
pletely performed  on  our  part ;  the  revocation  should  therefore  be  de- 
clared absolute, — unclogged  with  conditions  and  unshaded  with  Doubts, 
as  to  the  past,  the  present  and  the  future. 

[The  Case  is  so  simple,  the  Demand  so  just  and  the  necessity  so 
urgent,  that  I  cannot  withold  my  confidence  in  the  prompt  and  complete 
success  of  my  proposition.] 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       67 

The  Union  of  interests  between  the  two  Countries  and  the  pressure 
of  the  present  Crisis  induce  me  to  add  another  proposition,  which  I  do 
with  an  equal  hope  of  success.  [The  Declaration  I  solicit,  tho'  im- 
portant in  itself,  should  not  be  sent  to  the  United  States  alone.  It  ought 
to  be  accompanied  with  two  other  acts  of  equal  or  superior  moment. 
These  are  a  Convention  of  Indemnity  for  past  spoliations  of  american 
Property,  in  violation  of  our  neutral  rights,  and  a  Treaty  of  Com- 
merce founded  on  the  liberal  principle  of  reciprocal  benefit  and  con- 
cession, which  I  have  understood  from  Your  Excellency  that  His 
Majesty  is  ready  to  subscribe.] 

These  three  public  Documents,  against  either  of  which  I  presume 
there  is  no  objection,  arriving  together  in  the  United  States,  would 
produce  a  great  and  salutary  sensation;  and  it  is  with  confidence  that 
I  assure  Your  Excellency  of  my  firm  belief  that  His  Majesty's  Empire 
would  be  as  widely  and  solidly  benefitted  by  these  arrangements  as  the 
Country  in  whose  name  I  have  the  honor  to  speak. 

A  Corvette  of  the  United  States,  a  very  fast  sailor,  is  now  waiting 
at  Cherbourg  for  my  dispatches.  If  these  arrangements  could  be  com- 
pleted within  a  few  days,  to  be  carried  by  that  ship,  they  would  prob- 
ably arrive  at  Washington,  as  soon  as  the  Declaration  of  the  British 
Government,  a  piece  most  artfully  calculated  for  that  Country,  for 
which  it  is  evidently  contrived  and  critically  timed.  Left  to  take  its 
Course  in  America,  without  its  antidote,  it  will  produce  a  most  dele- 
terious effect:  but  being  confronted  by  the  Documents  here  proposed, 
it  will  return  to  its  native  Cabinet,  with  the  contempt  of  an  insulted 
nation,  and  cover  its  authors  with  confusion. 

Accept  the  assurances  of  my  high  Consideration. 

J.  BARLOW 
To  his  Exy.  the  Duke  of  Bassano. 

XIV.    JOSEPH  EVE  TO  DANIEL  WEBSTER. 
(Despatches,  Texas,  Volume  i.) 

LEGATION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

GALVESTON  March  loth  1842 
The  Honle. 

Daniel  Webster  Secretary  of  State 

Of  the  United  States 
Sir 

The  Congress  of  Texas  having  adjourned  on  the  Sixth  of  Febuary 
and  the  President  and  Secretary  of  State  as  well  as  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasuary  having  left  Austin,  I  left  there  on  the  ninth  of  Febuary, 
and  arrived  in  Galveston  on  the  I5th.  The  President  and  Secretary  of 


68       DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

State  are  in  Galvaston  and  are  now  engaged  in  issuing  Orders  to  have 
the  militia  equipt  and  ready  to  march  to  any  point  and  at  any  moment. 
News  has  reached  here  to  day  by  express  that  Sanantonia,  about  three 
hundred  miles  South  West  from  Galvaston  has  been  taken  by  the 
Mexican  Army  supposed  to  be  twenty  thousand  strong.  It  is  believed 
here  that  Corpus  Christi  seventy  miles  below  here  has  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  Mexicans,  and  great  fears  are  entertained  that  they  are 
in  Austin  before  this  time 

It  has  been  rumoured  here  for  the  last  ten  days,  that  the  Mexicans 
were  coming  in  great  force,  But  the  President  did  not  believe  the  re- 
port, I  however  on  yesterday  addressed  a  letter  to  him,  requesting  to 
be  informed  whither  he  intended  to  remove  the  Archives  of  this  Gov- 
ernment from  Austin  a  copy  of  which  I  herewith  enclose  for  your 
inspection;  I  have  received  no  written  Answer  from  the  President  as 
he  has  been  much  engaged  but  in  a  conversation  with  him  this  evening 
he  informed  me  that  he  had  given  orders  to  have  all  the  Archives  re- 
moved forthwith.  I  have  therefore  considered  it  to  be  my  duty  to  have 
the  Archives  of  the  United  States  belonging  to  this  Legation  removed ; 
As  the  people  here  believe  that  the  Mexicans  will  not  respect  the  flag  of 
the  United  States  in  Texas ;  I  cannot  myself  entertain  the  least  fears 
either  for  the  Archives  or  for  myself,  or  family. 

I  consider  this  Government  in  a  most  deplorable  condition,  with- 
out a  dollar  in  the  Treasuary  and  without  credit  to  borrow  money  here 
or  abroad  with  not  a  regular  Soldier  belonging  to  the  Army,  and  a 
very  great  excitement  against  the  President  for  not  having  ordered  out 
the  militia  previous  to  this  time,  large  meetings  have  been  gotten  up 
in  most  of  the  counties  resolutions  adopted  and  commitees  apointed  to 
wait  on  him  with  a  request  that  he  would  have  the  militia  organized, 
equipted  and  officers  appointed  with  orders  to  be  in  readiness  to  march 
at  a  moments  warning ;  The  President  not  believing  the  rumours  untill 
the  express  arived  to  day  refused  to  do  so ;  the  people  in  almost  every 
county  have  organized,  armed  and  equipt  themselves  by  voluntarily 
contribution  and  about  two  thousand  are  on  their  march  to  Sanantonia. 
At  least  two  hundred  Volunteers  will  leave  this  city  tomorrow  at  their 
own  expence  it  is  said  that  the  President  has  issued  orders  that  no 
citizen  is  to  leave  this  Island  as  he  anticipates  great  danger  of  an  attact 
upon  Galvaston;  but  the  Volunteers  will  disregard  the  order.  The 
district  court  was  in  session  here  but  has  adjourned  this  evening  and 
the  Judge  with  every  member  of  the  bar  except  one  has  volunteered, 
and  will  leave  here  for  the  Army  tomorrow.  I  have  never  seen  so  much 
enthusiasm  among  any  people,  all  seem  to  be  anxious  to  meet  the  foe, 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       69 

and  all  seem  to  think  that  if  they  can  embody  five  thousand  Texians, 
they  can  defeat  twenty  thousand  Mexicans.  Genrl.  Arista  commands 
the  invading  Mexican  Army,  and  has  issued  a  conciliatory  and  im- 
posing proclemation,  it  will  however  have  but  little  effect  upon  the 
Texians 

Since  my  arival  at  this  place  from  Austin,  the  Merchants  and 
traders,  from  the  United  States,  have  expressed  great  dissatisfaction 
at  the  advantages  given  by  this  Government  to  the  commerce  of  France, 
over  that  of  the  United  States.  On  the  27th  of  Febuary  I  addressed  a 
note  to  Doctor  Jones  Secretary  of  State  for  Texas;  on  that  subject  a 
copy  of  which  as  well  as  Mr.  Jones  answer  I  have  the  honor  herewith  to 
enclose  to  you.  With  sentiments  of  high  regard 
I  have  the  honor  to  be 

Your  Obt.  Servt. 

JOSEPH  EVE. 

XV.     A.  J.  DONELSON  TO  JOHN  C.  CALHOUN. 
(Despatches,  Texas,  Volume  2,  Despatch  No.  3.) 

WASHINGTON  TEXAS 

Novr.  24t.  1844 
Honble  J.  C.  Calhoun  Secy  of  State  of  the  U  States 

Sir* 

I  have  the  pleasure  to  state  to  you  that  President  Houston  reached 
this  place  last  night;  and  favored  me  with  an  interview  in  less  than 
fifteen  minutes  after  his  arrival. 

In  order  that  you  may  see  the  character  of  his  views,  I  will  give 
you  a  narrative  of  our  conversation,  very  much  in  the  order  in  which 
the  topics  arose,  and  were  disposed  of. 

Adverting  to  the  situation  of  Texas  he  dwelt  with  satisfaction  on 
his  success  in  defeating  the  schemes  of  many  adventurers,  who  had 
found  their  way  into  Congress  and  other  Departments  of  the  Govern- 
ment: and  declared  that  if  he  had  not  been  disturbed  by  the  Texan 
certifiers  (alluding  to  those  who  furnished  evidence  of  the  desire  of 
the  people  for  annexation)  he  would  have  accomplished  the  measure 
himself.  His  idea  was,  that,  England  and  Mexico  encouraged  by  the 
hope  of  defeating  the  policy  of  the  United  States — and,  the  United 
States  alarmed,  in  their  turn,  by  the  fear  of  English  intrigue — gave 
him  a  lever  on  the  question  which  it  was  his  intention  to  use,  so  as  to. 
restore  Texas  to  our  Union,  whenever  he  found  it  practicable.  He 
denounced,  in  his  peculiar  manner,  those  who  forced  him  to  abandon 


70      DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

his  policy,  and  shew  his  hand  before  it  could  be  played  with  success. 
He  blamed  Messrs  Henderson  and  Vanzant  for  signing  the  Treaty 
without  obtaining  a  fuller  guarantee  from  the  Executive  of  the  United 
States  to  defend  Texas,  should  the  proposition  for  annexation  provoke 
a  renewal  of  hostilities  on  the  part  of  Mexico,  or  otherwise  expose 
her  to  injury. 

I  told  him  in  reply  that  so  far  as  the  Executive  of  the  United  States 
was  concerned  there  had  been,  and  was,  every  disposition  to  befriend 
Texas,  and  even  to  defend  her  in  the  manner  suggested,  but  that  he 
was  aware  of  his  limited  powers,  and  of  the  consequences  which  would 
have  resulted  from  a  disagreement  between  him  and  Congress  in  the 
exercise  of  an  act  which  might  have  been  deemed  warlike.  The  execu- 
tive, with  no  Congress  to  sustain  him,  would  necessarily  have  failed, 
and  thus  the  cause  of  annexation  would  have  received  a  prejudice  far 
greater  than  it  did  from  the  course  adopted.  I  also  brought  to  his 
recollection  that  the  remedy  for  all  such  cases  in  the  United  States 
was  in  an  appeal  to  the  people — that  this  appeal  had  been  made,  and  the 
issue  of  the  Presidential  election  just  closed,  if  favorable  to  Mr  Polk, 
would  prove  that  the  course  of  Mr  Tyler  in  regard  to  the  policy  of 
annexation  had  the  popular  sanction. 

He  said,  that  he  was  far  from  censuring  President  Tyler  or  his 
cabinet — that  he  accorded  to  Mr  Tyler  all  praise  for  his  patriotism 
and  vigilance;  and  that  he  requested  me  to  say  to  him  in  his  judgment, 
of  all  the  Presidents  since  Mr  Jeffersons  day,  he  was  the  only  one  to  be 
compared  with  Genl  Jackson ;  and  further  whatever  might  be  the  fate 
of  Texas,  in,  or  out,  of  the  Union,  her  people  would  soon  be  rich,  and 
that  they  would  erect  a  monument  which  would  perpetuate  their  grati- 
tude to  Mr  Tyler. 

I  returned  him  my  thanks  for  these  generous  and  noble  sentiments, 
and  hailed  them  as  evidence  that  the  cause  of  annexation  was  still  dear 
to  the  hearts  of  the  brave  people  he  had  so  signally  served ;  and  further 
remarked  that  I  trusted  nothing  had  been  done  to  commit  Texas  to  a 
policy  inconsistent  with  the  speedy  consummation  of  the  measure.  That 
from  the  open  avowal  Genl  Terrill  had  made  of  opposition  to  the  policy 
of  the  United  States  on  this  subject,  and  from  the  concurrence  in  such 
sentiments  generally  manifested  by  the  subordinate  officers  of  his  Gov- 
ernment, I  had  been  led  to  fear  some  line  of  conduct  had  been  adopted 
which  would  render  the  contest  in  the  United  States  abortive  . 

He  replied  that  he  was  not  in  the  habit  of  committing  himself — 
that  "  leaky  vessels  would  not  hold  water  long  " — that  he  had  much  to 
say  on  this  subject  (here  some  of  his  friends  were  present).  As  soon 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       71 

as  they  retired  he  insisted  on  my  remaining  with  him.  I  did  so.  He 
then  resumed  the  conversation  by  observing,  that  he  could  conceal 
nothing  from  me,  acquainted  as  I  was  with  his  trials  and  sufferings 
thro  life,  and  coming  as  I  did  from  the  Hermitage. 

I  replied  to  this,  that  Genl  Jackson  was  still  alive,  and  took  an 
interest  in  his  conduct,  at  this  critical  period,  which  he  could  imagine 
much  better  than  I  could  express  it — that  he  looked  upon  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas  as  the  great  question  of  the  day,  as  having  a  greater  in- 
fluence on  the  affairs  of  this  continent  than  any  that  had  occurred  since 
the  Revolution;  and  he  was  anxious  that  his  friend  Houston  whom 
Providence  had  made  the  prominent  actor  in  it  thus  far,  should  main- 
tain his  elevated  position  to  the  close,  and  show  that  he  comprehended 
the  results  which  were  to  flow  from  its  influence  on  the  fate  of  free 
institutions — that  he  feared  the  path  of  his  duty  might  be  obscured 
by  the  arguments  which  would  be  adduced  in  favor  of  the  seperate 
existence  of  the  Republic,  and  by  the  plausibility  which  would  be  given 
to  the  idea  of  making  Texas  a  nucleus  for  the  formation  of  new  states, 
extending  to  the  Pacific,  affording  a  refuge  for  the  oppressed  of  all 
nations,  and  rivalling  the  United  States — that  yielding  to  such  a  pros- 
pect, so  tempting  to  ambition,  and  so  natural  to  the  spirit  of  adventure 
already  too  much  aroused  by  the  course  pursued  by  Mexico  and  the 
United  States  in  postponing  so  long  the  settlement  of  their  boundaries, 
Genl  Jackson,  feared  his  friend  might  overlook  what  was  due  to  the 
more  sober  injunctions  of  wisdom  and  experience. 

No — No — No — was  the  reply.  Tell  Genl  Jackson  that  his  coun- 
sels influence  my  spirit — that  his  words  are  treasures — that  the  young 
sergeant  who  profitted  so  much  by  his  advice  in  his  early  career  has 
only  learned  to  value  that  advice  the  more  as  time  and  adversity  have 
strengthened  his  faculties.  Tell  him  that  Saml  Houston  though  dis- 
tant from  him  in  the  wilderness,  and  abandoned  to  the  chances  of  a 
merciless  contest  with  Mexicans  and  savages,  has  not  lost  sight  of  the 
measure  of  annexation.  He  continued  to  remark  in  reference  to  the 
fear  expressed  concerning  the  purport  of  the  instructions  given  to 
Genl  Terrill,  that  I  might  dismiss  it.  He  said  it  was  true  he,  Rily,  and 
a  few  others  were  opposed  to  annexation,  but  that  this  was  no  indica- 
tion of  the  course  of  the  Government — that  Genl  Terrill  was  not  author- 
ised to  conclude  a  Treaty — that  he  had  sent  him  to  England  and  France 
to  see  what  bids  they  would  make,  what  boot  they  would  give — that 
he  was  not  authorised  to  commit  the  Government,  and  power,  to  do 
so,  would  not  be  given  to  him. 


72       DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE. 

I  told  President  Houston  here,  that  I  was  truly  gratified  at  this 
frank  declaration  of  his  views  and  sentiments  and  more  than  happy 
to  find  them  so  favorable  to  annexation — that  as  soon  as  my  credentials 
were  received  I  would  take  pleasure  in  laying  before  him  the  views 
of  my  Government  on  that  great  question;  and  that  I  trusted  he 
would  not  take  ground  on  that  part  of  the  topics  of  his  valedictory 
message,  until  I  had  an  opportunity  also  of  exhibiting  to  him  the  aspect 
of  the  opinion  now  existing  in  the  United  States  on  the  subject — that 
I  felt  sure  when  he  came  to  reflect  on  the  views  of  my  Government  he 
would  find  them  so  reasonable  and  just  as  to  command  his  respect  and 
support. 

To  this  he  replied  that  he  was  glad  the  U  S  Government  had 
made  me  the  organ  of  their  views ;  and  that  he  would  be  proud  to  see 
annexation  accomplished  during  my  connection  with  the  Government — 
that  the  Secretary  of  State  was  expected  tomorrow,  but  if  he  did  not 
arrive  he  would  give  a  temporary  appointment  to  some  one  else  to 
hasten  my  official  presentation. 

I  remained  with  the  President  nearly  all  night,  there  being  noth- 
ing but  a  door  to  seperate  our  apartments,  which  are  open  log  cabins. 
He  was  unreserved  and  cordial,  and  as  far  as  I  can  form  an  opinion, 
determined  to  adhere  to  the  idea  of  annexation  as  long  as  there  is  a 
hope  of  effecting  it  on  terms  of  honor  and  justice  to  his  Republic. 

It  is,  perhaps,  due  to  the  President  that  I  should  not  omit  to  state, 
that,  in  the  course  of  our  free  and  general  range  over  the  many  topics 
suggested  by  the  examination  of  the  relations  of  the  two  Republics ; 
among  which,  suggested  by  myself,  was  the  prominence  that  annexa- 
tion would  assign  to  him  as  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  he  uni- 
formly repelled  the  idea  of  personal  political  views.  He  declared  it  to 
be  his  intention  to  retire  to  his  plantation  on  the  Trinity  river  and 
devote  the  remainder  of  his  life  to  the  pursuits  of  agriculture  and  the 
education  of  his  son.  He  said  no  inducement  should  tempt  him  from 
this  retirement  after  the  establishment  of  the  independence  of  the  Re- 
public— that  his  ambition  was  satisfied — he  had  made  no  money  and 
had  no  means  of  support  except  what  would  arise  from  the  improve- 
ment of  his  lands — yet  he  hoped  to  have  enough  to  pay  the  expenses 
of  a  pilgrimage  to  the  Hermitage  next  spring,  after  which  he  would 
bid  adieu  to  all  other  expectations  save  those  which  would  centre 
around  his  own  domicil. 

This  frame  of  mind,  seeming  to  me  to  harmonize  with  a  calcula- 
tion of  interest  dependent  upon  annexation,  is  worthy  of  notice  as  an 
interpreter  of  his  policy,  perhaps  as  reliable  as  any  of  the  expressions 


DIPLOMATIC  ARCHIVES  OF  DEPARTMENT  OF  STATE.       73 

referred  to.  The  stability  which  would  follow  the  extension  of  the  laws 
of  the  United  States  over  this  Republic,  having  the  power  which  our 
flag  would  have  to  banish  all  apprehension  of  invasion  or  disorder, 
foreign  or  domestic,  would  at  once  raise  the  value  of  these  lands,  and 
in  many  other  respects  increase  the  wealth  and  population  of  the  coun- 
try— a  consequence  which  must  be  seen  by  President  Houston. 

I  have,  thus,  Sir,  laid  before  you  a  random  view  of  my  first  con- 
versation with  the  President,  at  the  risk  of  fatiguing  you  with  details 
which  ought  not  to  have  a  place  in  a  public  document.  In  my  next 
dispatch  I  shall  give  you  what  passes  at  my  presentation,  and  endeavor 
to  possess  something  in  an  official  form  which  will  be  more  pointed 
and  explicit. 

In  the  mean  time  I  have  the  honor  to  be  with  great  respect 

Your  obt  servant 

A  J  DONELSON 


THE  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 
UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA,  SANTA  CRUZ 

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